Reducing Army’s Footprint
It’s draconian, it’s deadly and it’s detested. The Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) imposed in the regions of Jammu & Kashmir and the North-East is highly unpopular with the civil society, Human rights group and the people of these states. It vests with the security forces unrestricted and unaccounted power. There are allegations that the Act has been grossly misused in the areas of its operation. Disturbed Areas Act as well as the Armed Forces (Jammu & Kashmir) Special Powers Act, both of which have been applied to the state since 1990, when militants from Pakistan crossed the Line of Control and instigated an insurgency that was to claim thousands of lives over the next couple of decades. Civilians have come to dread both pieces of legislation because they empower security forces to arrest without warrant, enter and search premises in order to make such arrests, fire or use force against those assembling in numbers larger than five, while officials cannot be sued or prosecuted because they are provided with legal immunity. A Report by the government appointed team of three interlocutors and data provided by the Union government published on Thursday supports the call given by the J&K Chief Minister Omar Abdullah to remove it partially from districts of Srinagar, Badgam, Samba and Jammu.
The analysis of central government recently published data shows that insurgency hit state is safer than many of its peaceful counterparts like Haryana. In population-adjusted terms, violent deaths in J&K — those of terrorists and security force personnel, as well as murders of civilians, whether terrorism-related or otherwise — were at the same level as in Bihar, and not significantly higher than in Delhi. Violence due to militancy & terrorist activity has seen a steady decline since 2001-2002. In 2004, 707 civilians, 976 terrorists and 281 police and military personnel were killed. In 2009, the numbers plummeted to 64 security personnel, 78 civilians and 239 terrorists.
Even though Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has backed the idea, New Delhi has proved unwilling to act, due to bitter resistance by the Indian Army, BJP & Congress itself. The Union government is in a fix since defence and the home ministries are pulling in different directions. The State government contends that the decline in violence, as well as enhancements in police strength, means a number of these troops could be withdrawn and, as they leave, the Act lifted. The Army acknowledges the decline in violence, but argues that there is a continued threat from across the Line of Control, which necessitates the Act remaining in place. Many argue that the AFSPA-free enclaves will be safe havens for terrorists and militants. This makes little sense, since the Army is not present in these enclaves anyway and has no security responsibilities. These areas are largely managed by the local police assisted by CRPF. Chief Minister Abdullah's proposal leads to some risks. Yet not taking those risks involves heavy costs — key among them, creating a reservoir of frustration and anger that will undermine the hard-won peace that so many Indian soldiers gave their lives for. Looking at the stability which the north-eastern states have already achieved with the help of local police, the time has come when a well trained & equipped J&K police should be given the responsibility to manage peace and security of their own region. It`s time to think beyond AFSPA now and give its withdrawal a chance.
Wednesday, November 2, 2011
Reducing army's footprint
Reducing Army’s Footprint
It’s draconian, it’s deadly and it’s detested. The Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) imposed in the regions of Jammu & Kashmir and the North-East is highly unpopular with the civil society, Human rights group and the people of these states. It vests with the security forces unrestricted and unaccounted power. There are allegations that the Act has been grossly misused in the areas of its operation. Disturbed Areas Act as well as the Armed Forces (Jammu & Kashmir) Special Powers Act, both of which have been applied to the state since 1990, when militants from Pakistan crossed the Line of Control and instigated an insurgency that was to claim thousands of lives over the next couple of decades. Civilians have come to dread both pieces of legislation because they empower security forces to arrest without warrant, enter and search premises in order to make such arrests, fire or use force against those assembling in numbers larger than five, while officials cannot be sued or prosecuted because they are provided with legal immunity. A Report by the government appointed team of three interlocutors and data provided by the Union government published on Thursday supports the call given by the J&K Chief Minister Omar Abdullah to remove it partially from districts of Srinagar, Badgam, Samba and Jammu.
The analysis of central government recently published data shows that insurgency hit state is safer than many of its peaceful counterparts like Haryana. In population-adjusted terms, violent deaths in J&K — those of terrorists and security force personnel, as well as murders of civilians, whether terrorism-related or otherwise — were at the same level as in Bihar, and not significantly higher than in Delhi. Violence due to militancy & terrorist activity has seen a steady decline since 2001-2002. In 2004, 707 civilians, 976 terrorists and 281 police and military personnel were killed. In 2009, the numbers plummeted to 64 security personnel, 78 civilians and 239 terrorists.
Even though Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has backed the idea, New Delhi has proved unwilling to act, due to bitter resistance by the Indian Army, BJP & Congress itself. The Union government is in a fix since defence and the home ministries are pulling in different directions. The State government contends that the decline in violence, as well as enhancements in police strength, means a number of these troops could be withdrawn and, as they leave, the Act lifted. The Army acknowledges the decline in violence, but argues that there is a continued threat from across the Line of Control, which necessitates the Act remaining in place. Many argue that the AFSPA-free enclaves will be safe havens for terrorists and militants. This makes little sense, since the Army is not present in these enclaves anyway and has no security responsibilities. These areas are largely managed by the local police assisted by CRPF. Chief Minister Abdullah's proposal leads to some risks. Yet not taking those risks involves heavy costs — key among them, creating a reservoir of frustration and anger that will undermine the hard-won peace that so many Indian soldiers gave their lives for. Looking at the stability which the north-eastern states have already achieved with the help of local police, the time has come when a well trained & equipped J&K police should be given the responsibility to manage peace and security of their own region. It`s time to think beyond AFSPA now and give its withdrawal a chance.
It’s draconian, it’s deadly and it’s detested. The Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) imposed in the regions of Jammu & Kashmir and the North-East is highly unpopular with the civil society, Human rights group and the people of these states. It vests with the security forces unrestricted and unaccounted power. There are allegations that the Act has been grossly misused in the areas of its operation. Disturbed Areas Act as well as the Armed Forces (Jammu & Kashmir) Special Powers Act, both of which have been applied to the state since 1990, when militants from Pakistan crossed the Line of Control and instigated an insurgency that was to claim thousands of lives over the next couple of decades. Civilians have come to dread both pieces of legislation because they empower security forces to arrest without warrant, enter and search premises in order to make such arrests, fire or use force against those assembling in numbers larger than five, while officials cannot be sued or prosecuted because they are provided with legal immunity. A Report by the government appointed team of three interlocutors and data provided by the Union government published on Thursday supports the call given by the J&K Chief Minister Omar Abdullah to remove it partially from districts of Srinagar, Badgam, Samba and Jammu.
The analysis of central government recently published data shows that insurgency hit state is safer than many of its peaceful counterparts like Haryana. In population-adjusted terms, violent deaths in J&K — those of terrorists and security force personnel, as well as murders of civilians, whether terrorism-related or otherwise — were at the same level as in Bihar, and not significantly higher than in Delhi. Violence due to militancy & terrorist activity has seen a steady decline since 2001-2002. In 2004, 707 civilians, 976 terrorists and 281 police and military personnel were killed. In 2009, the numbers plummeted to 64 security personnel, 78 civilians and 239 terrorists.
Even though Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has backed the idea, New Delhi has proved unwilling to act, due to bitter resistance by the Indian Army, BJP & Congress itself. The Union government is in a fix since defence and the home ministries are pulling in different directions. The State government contends that the decline in violence, as well as enhancements in police strength, means a number of these troops could be withdrawn and, as they leave, the Act lifted. The Army acknowledges the decline in violence, but argues that there is a continued threat from across the Line of Control, which necessitates the Act remaining in place. Many argue that the AFSPA-free enclaves will be safe havens for terrorists and militants. This makes little sense, since the Army is not present in these enclaves anyway and has no security responsibilities. These areas are largely managed by the local police assisted by CRPF. Chief Minister Abdullah's proposal leads to some risks. Yet not taking those risks involves heavy costs — key among them, creating a reservoir of frustration and anger that will undermine the hard-won peace that so many Indian soldiers gave their lives for. Looking at the stability which the north-eastern states have already achieved with the help of local police, the time has come when a well trained & equipped J&K police should be given the responsibility to manage peace and security of their own region. It`s time to think beyond AFSPA now and give its withdrawal a chance.
Friday, September 2, 2011
THE RISE OF THE MIDDLE CLASS
Anna Hazare’s Movement has gathered an unprecedented support from the oft lazy Middle class Indians. Their unrelented support throughout his fast has stirred many sociologists. Whether one agrees or not with the substance of Hazare’s Lokpal bill, we are undoubtedly witnessing a remarkable social movement. What is surprising that Why has India’s urban middle class become the social base of Hazare’s movement? And why has this class chosen the route of movement led by civil society, as opposed to electoral politics led by political parties?
India now has one third urban population, according to the 2011 census. This growing is financially powerful and carries disdain for the politicians. Politics, for it, is not about democracy and constitutionalism. It is about delivering governance – even if it means electing CEOs to run cities rather than mayors and politicos. Corruption and bribery are obstacles to its progress. This is why it is backing the Jan Lokpal Bill. It may not know anything about the Bill’s specifics, or the Draconian nature of the Hazare version of it. But it will back the Bill just because it promises to put the fear of Lokpal into netas and babus. This new middle class is reared in private sector post 1991. It encounters the state only when it buys property, applies for a driving license, birth or death certificate, pays income tax, wants a passport, drives a vehicle or has an accident. These arenas of public life are highly corrupt.
Anger, frustration and helplessness has for the first time driven the middle class to come to streets and protest against corruption and assert its citizenship right to get a cleaner Government. The ironic part is that it is fighting for a bill which will reduce corruption at higher level but won’t bring in much change at their level. Routine corruption is more likely to go down if the middle class re-engaging itself in politics. Indian democracy is rural centric. Village panchayats receive more attention than municipal governance. Decisions about the city are made not by elected municipalities, but by state and central governments, who are more concerned with the rural vote. The situation has now changed. India is more urban and more affluent than before. The urban middle class should use the new political movement to return to electoral politics and start fighting for electoral reforms and push criminals of out Parliaments. They must take up issues which directly affects them. Like Police, economic, political & educational reforms. I would not debate about the merits & demerits of the Janlokpal Bill, but one thing is certain; reliance on civil society alone will not fix India’s governance problems, urban or rural. An anti-corruption Lokpal can only be part of a larger political process; It will not be a magic wand. . If the middle class wants cleaner and better governance, it needs to step into the arena of politics and change the system by engaging themselves into it.
This movement has achieved one advantage. It has shaken the politicians out of their slumber. It has sent a huge message across the Parliament that the time has come when the elected representative start behaving responsibly, else matters will now be decided in Ramlila maidan.
Thursday, August 11, 2011
AUGUST SURPRISE
AUGUST SURPRISE
August is supposed to be a month full of celebrations, but instead it has been full of surprise. The first on was the working of our Parliament. Instead of the mindless disruptions in the Parliament, we actually saw the opposition cornering the ruling government on CWG mess through some robust debates and facts. We were beginning to settle with adjournment and Logjams as synonyms for the parliament all thanks to our opposition parties. But good sense prevailed this time on BJP and finally the Loksabha looked like what it used to be. For the BJP, the debate was also a much-needed act of atonement. While the BJP's all-out offensive against the Prime Minister's Office for corruption over the 2010 Commonwealth Games might be part of a larger political strategy, there are certain charges that the government must answer. One of them is the appointment of Suresh Kalmadi despite three consecutive sports ministers writing to the PMO and warning against him and his style of working. Kalmadi may rightly be in the dock for wrongdoing, but he couldn't have had a free rein without the support, of his political bosses. Similarly, Delhi chief minister Sheila Dikshit’s role cannot be ignored after the allegations made by the CAG audit and Shunglu committee reports. Her Government is accused of favoring particular companies in getting imported lights for the streets of Delhi among other things. Multiple civic bodies and sub-committees set up to decorate the capital city for the international event only facilitated the lack of accountability and over expenditure thus resulting in a huge mess and loot of the public coffers.
Our Next surprises were on the international front. The London riots and their powerless Police. Also the sorry state of the world’s richest economy resulting in a turbulent market across the world including our own. “The return of the recession” seems to be the scary movie which we would all be watching for the next year or so thanks to the Udhaar State of America. Both these things will affect us directly. Whereas the markets are still not steady after the last week’s spin, the UK riots worry us, given the intensive India-UK trade ties and a large Indian diaspora. Britishers rake their heads to find reasons for mindless looting and rioting, among rising concerns on erosion of authority in the English society. A chorus of establishment voices responded to pictures of school-age children looting late at night by reaching to blame the parents. MPs and David Cameron were talking about a broken Britain and its culture, and London's mayor said adults and teachers needed to be given back the right to impose authority. With nation wide calls from the Prime minister himself and debates on poor parenting and bad schooling, we Indians and Chinese including Amy Chua are happy to see our methods of strict parenting and disciplined schools being endorsed by the our ex rulers. Let us hope that Amy Chua's 'Battle Hymn of the Tiger Mother' would be the one book that would be flying off the shelf of the Bookstores in UK.
August is supposed to be a month full of celebrations, but instead it has been full of surprise. The first on was the working of our Parliament. Instead of the mindless disruptions in the Parliament, we actually saw the opposition cornering the ruling government on CWG mess through some robust debates and facts. We were beginning to settle with adjournment and Logjams as synonyms for the parliament all thanks to our opposition parties. But good sense prevailed this time on BJP and finally the Loksabha looked like what it used to be. For the BJP, the debate was also a much-needed act of atonement. While the BJP's all-out offensive against the Prime Minister's Office for corruption over the 2010 Commonwealth Games might be part of a larger political strategy, there are certain charges that the government must answer. One of them is the appointment of Suresh Kalmadi despite three consecutive sports ministers writing to the PMO and warning against him and his style of working. Kalmadi may rightly be in the dock for wrongdoing, but he couldn't have had a free rein without the support, of his political bosses. Similarly, Delhi chief minister Sheila Dikshit’s role cannot be ignored after the allegations made by the CAG audit and Shunglu committee reports. Her Government is accused of favoring particular companies in getting imported lights for the streets of Delhi among other things. Multiple civic bodies and sub-committees set up to decorate the capital city for the international event only facilitated the lack of accountability and over expenditure thus resulting in a huge mess and loot of the public coffers.
Our Next surprises were on the international front. The London riots and their powerless Police. Also the sorry state of the world’s richest economy resulting in a turbulent market across the world including our own. “The return of the recession” seems to be the scary movie which we would all be watching for the next year or so thanks to the Udhaar State of America. Both these things will affect us directly. Whereas the markets are still not steady after the last week’s spin, the UK riots worry us, given the intensive India-UK trade ties and a large Indian diaspora. Britishers rake their heads to find reasons for mindless looting and rioting, among rising concerns on erosion of authority in the English society. A chorus of establishment voices responded to pictures of school-age children looting late at night by reaching to blame the parents. MPs and David Cameron were talking about a broken Britain and its culture, and London's mayor said adults and teachers needed to be given back the right to impose authority. With nation wide calls from the Prime minister himself and debates on poor parenting and bad schooling, we Indians and Chinese including Amy Chua are happy to see our methods of strict parenting and disciplined schools being endorsed by the our ex rulers. Let us hope that Amy Chua's 'Battle Hymn of the Tiger Mother' would be the one book that would be flying off the shelf of the Bookstores in UK.
Monday, August 1, 2011
Yeddy Dumped
When B S Yeddyurappa became the chief minister, his big promise was, “My mantra will be development… development... development”. Cut to the present: His name has become synonymous with development, not that of the state but of his family. Yeddyurappa had been walking on minefields ever since the powerful Bellary Brothers revolted against him. Apart from mining he is accused of illegal land allotment and land denotification scams. A couple of unusual transactions, a bank name and a 11-digit account number mentioned in the books of a mining company led Lokayukta sleuths to the trail of the kickbacks which B S Yeddyurappa and his family members received from mining companies. These details, at first glance seemed mild, but has finaly led to the fall of the master survivor. His bold attempts at taking the kickbacks in the name of Prerana Education Trust in cheques from Jindal Steel Limited (JSW), reflects his self confidence and the powerful and unquestionable position in the state, of which even the BJP was scared off. Despite his fears about various land scam, he never imagined that illegal mining could take him down specially after reigning in the Reddy Brothers whose area of operation, Bellary, figured prominently in the report. Turning a blind eye to these allegations would have been political suicide for the BJP. It could have completely destroyed its anti- corruption campaign at the national level. The party should learn its lesson from the fate of DMK in Tamilnadu, and should not allow its regional satrap to dictate terms on the basis of lingayat vote banks. Karnataka’s electorate are equally smart and would quickly respond to outrageous corruption by ending its dream run in south. The BJP leadership should ensure that his successor is not only above reproach but also has the requisite political acumen and administrative capability to head the government
The Lokayukta report brings into perspective two other issues. First one is the need for mining to be reformed thoroughly. Mining now needs regulatory authorities and cannot be left at the supervision of civil servants, who have been found equally guilty of corruption. Another thing that has come clearly out of this report is that a strong Lokayukta can deliver his duties and we do not require a new kind of ombudsman with overarching powers for real effect. Since the topic of a strong Lokpal is being hotly debated at present, Justice Hegde serves as a shining example to all (coincidentally he is also a member of the civil society’s drafting committee). His example is strong enough to deliver the message that an upright and strong Lokpal with vigilant media, informed and mobilized citizens, and a fast paced criminal justice system will be more effective against corruption than anything else. Both civil society and the government can learn a few lessons from this.
The Lokayukta report brings into perspective two other issues. First one is the need for mining to be reformed thoroughly. Mining now needs regulatory authorities and cannot be left at the supervision of civil servants, who have been found equally guilty of corruption. Another thing that has come clearly out of this report is that a strong Lokayukta can deliver his duties and we do not require a new kind of ombudsman with overarching powers for real effect. Since the topic of a strong Lokpal is being hotly debated at present, Justice Hegde serves as a shining example to all (coincidentally he is also a member of the civil society’s drafting committee). His example is strong enough to deliver the message that an upright and strong Lokpal with vigilant media, informed and mobilized citizens, and a fast paced criminal justice system will be more effective against corruption than anything else. Both civil society and the government can learn a few lessons from this.
Friday, July 15, 2011
Tryst with terrorists
Mumbai’s tryst with terrorist
Mumbai is truck again. It’s a sense of déjà vu for all. We saw the same horror scenes repeatedly on TV, the same rhetoric by the Govt. the same debate on talk shows. Nothing has changed after 26/11. Our booming economy and our status as a rising power has made Mumbai & Delhi as the most vulnerable cities to terrorist attacks. Look at the past four months and we were given enough warnings about a bigger attack in future. The number of failed bomb attacks – in Delhi high court, Delhi's Gargi College, Sealdah-New Delhi Rajdhani Express and elsewhere. They were dismissed as pranks. Perhaps these were the result of the Karachi Project which David Hadley revealed in his interrogation to FBI. Mumbai blasts could be an indication that the Karachi Project is blooming in India. Home grown Jehad group have been active and our Intelligence have failed to trap them. Not one of the five urban terrorist attacks that preceded the latest Mumbai bombings has been solved. Perhaps the lull after 2008 has set in complacency in the intelligence agencies. This was evident in the goof-ups in the 'Most Wanted' list that was posted to Pakistan. It's clear that coordination among security agencies in India is still lacking. And why not as many of the internal security reforms proposed after the 26/11 attacks have bitten the dust. Despite decades of terror attack we haven’t been able to pluck the shortage in the Police personnel in our country. As per the home ministry, about 5,40,000 policemen were immediately required to make up the shortages in our police forces. But less than a third of that number has been recruited till date. Our projections for policing are well below the UN recommended ratio of 222 policemen per 1,00,000 citizens. Worse still, for a country repeatedly targeted by terrorists, India's internal security budget is less than 1% of its GDP, whereas India's defence budget is about 2.5% of its GDP. If the responsibility of the government is to protect its citizens, then it simply needs to spend more on equipping, training and arming our policemen to achieve greater efficiency. We urgently need to spend a huge amount on CCTV Camera installed on strategic positions. These footage are crucial in catching terrorists. The London bombers, the Time square bombers and Kasab were all caught on camera. We need to model our Police and surveillance on UK, which has about 1.85 million CCTV cameras and the average Briton is caught on camera 70 times a day as per the police figures. Living in a surveillance society is the need of the hour. We also need to adopt the idea of community policing from UK which has protected London which perhaps has the largest movement of terrorists through it but remains secure.
We need to accept that the US withdrawal from Afghanistan and its cut in aids to Pakistan will make our neighborhood a secure field for the terrorist to play as they want. Mr. Chidambaram has rightly pointed out that India is located in one of the most dangerous regions in the world. Our neighborhood is the global terrorism's epicenter. It is their aim to target India's economic rise and its cities, which remain crowded, disorganized and vulnerable. We need some elementary steps that could make citizens secure. Upgrading our police force, investing in technology for internal security and the long awaited national intelligence grid initiative could help fill this void, but it is still some years from being completed. Until then, we are left at the mercy of the terrorist.
Mumbai is truck again. It’s a sense of déjà vu for all. We saw the same horror scenes repeatedly on TV, the same rhetoric by the Govt. the same debate on talk shows. Nothing has changed after 26/11. Our booming economy and our status as a rising power has made Mumbai & Delhi as the most vulnerable cities to terrorist attacks. Look at the past four months and we were given enough warnings about a bigger attack in future. The number of failed bomb attacks – in Delhi high court, Delhi's Gargi College, Sealdah-New Delhi Rajdhani Express and elsewhere. They were dismissed as pranks. Perhaps these were the result of the Karachi Project which David Hadley revealed in his interrogation to FBI. Mumbai blasts could be an indication that the Karachi Project is blooming in India. Home grown Jehad group have been active and our Intelligence have failed to trap them. Not one of the five urban terrorist attacks that preceded the latest Mumbai bombings has been solved. Perhaps the lull after 2008 has set in complacency in the intelligence agencies. This was evident in the goof-ups in the 'Most Wanted' list that was posted to Pakistan. It's clear that coordination among security agencies in India is still lacking. And why not as many of the internal security reforms proposed after the 26/11 attacks have bitten the dust. Despite decades of terror attack we haven’t been able to pluck the shortage in the Police personnel in our country. As per the home ministry, about 5,40,000 policemen were immediately required to make up the shortages in our police forces. But less than a third of that number has been recruited till date. Our projections for policing are well below the UN recommended ratio of 222 policemen per 1,00,000 citizens. Worse still, for a country repeatedly targeted by terrorists, India's internal security budget is less than 1% of its GDP, whereas India's defence budget is about 2.5% of its GDP. If the responsibility of the government is to protect its citizens, then it simply needs to spend more on equipping, training and arming our policemen to achieve greater efficiency. We urgently need to spend a huge amount on CCTV Camera installed on strategic positions. These footage are crucial in catching terrorists. The London bombers, the Time square bombers and Kasab were all caught on camera. We need to model our Police and surveillance on UK, which has about 1.85 million CCTV cameras and the average Briton is caught on camera 70 times a day as per the police figures. Living in a surveillance society is the need of the hour. We also need to adopt the idea of community policing from UK which has protected London which perhaps has the largest movement of terrorists through it but remains secure.
We need to accept that the US withdrawal from Afghanistan and its cut in aids to Pakistan will make our neighborhood a secure field for the terrorist to play as they want. Mr. Chidambaram has rightly pointed out that India is located in one of the most dangerous regions in the world. Our neighborhood is the global terrorism's epicenter. It is their aim to target India's economic rise and its cities, which remain crowded, disorganized and vulnerable. We need some elementary steps that could make citizens secure. Upgrading our police force, investing in technology for internal security and the long awaited national intelligence grid initiative could help fill this void, but it is still some years from being completed. Until then, we are left at the mercy of the terrorist.
Tryst with terrorists
Mumbai’s tryst with terrorist
Mumbai is truck again. It’s a sense of déjà vu for all. We saw the same horror scenes repeatedly on TV, the same rhetoric by the Govt. the same debate on talk shows. Nothing has changed after 26/11. Our booming economy and our status as a rising power has made Mumbai & Delhi as the most vulnerable cities to terrorist attacks. Look at the past four months and we were given enough warnings about a bigger attack in future. The number of failed bomb attacks – in Delhi high court, Delhi's Gargi College, Sealdah-New Delhi Rajdhani Express and elsewhere. They were dismissed as pranks. Perhaps these were the result of the Karachi Project which David Hadley revealed in his interrogation to FBI. Mumbai blasts could be an indication that the Karachi Project is blooming in India. Home grown Jehad group have been active and our Intelligence have failed to trap them. Not one of the five urban terrorist attacks that preceded the latest Mumbai bombings has been solved. Perhaps the lull after 2008 has set in complacency in the intelligence agencies. This was evident in the goof-ups in the 'Most Wanted' list that was posted to Pakistan. It's clear that coordination among security agencies in India is still lacking. And why not as many of the internal security reforms proposed after the 26/11 attacks have bitten the dust. Despite decades of terror attack we haven’t been able to pluck the shortage in the Police personnel in our country. As per the home ministry, about 5,40,000 policemen were immediately required to make up the shortages in our police forces. But less than a third of that number has been recruited till date. Our projections for policing are well below the UN recommended ratio of 222 policemen per 1,00,000 citizens. Worse still, for a country repeatedly targeted by terrorists, India's internal security budget is less than 1% of its GDP, whereas India's defence budget is about 2.5% of its GDP. If the responsibility of the government is to protect its citizens, then it simply needs to spend more on equipping, training and arming our policemen to achieve greater efficiency. We urgently need to spend a huge amount on CCTV Camera installed on strategic positions. These footage are crucial in catching terrorists. The London bombers, the Time square bombers and Kasab were all caught on camera. We need to model our Police and surveillance on UK, which has about 1.85 million CCTV cameras and the average Briton is caught on camera 70 times a day as per the police figures. Living in a surveillance society is the need of the hour. We also need to adopt the idea of community policing from UK which has protected London which perhaps has the largest movement of terrorists through it but remains secure.
We need to accept that the US withdrawal from Afghanistan and its cut in aids to Pakistan will make our neighborhood a secure field for the terrorist to play as they want. Mr. Chidambaram has rightly pointed out that India is located in one of the most dangerous regions in the world. Our neighborhood is the global terrorism's epicenter. It is their aim to target India's economic rise and its cities, which remain crowded, disorganized and vulnerable. We need some elementary steps that could make citizens secure. Upgrading our police force, investing in technology for internal security and the long awaited national intelligence grid initiative could help fill this void, but it is still some years from being completed. Until then, we are left at the mercy of the terrorist.
Mumbai is truck again. It’s a sense of déjà vu for all. We saw the same horror scenes repeatedly on TV, the same rhetoric by the Govt. the same debate on talk shows. Nothing has changed after 26/11. Our booming economy and our status as a rising power has made Mumbai & Delhi as the most vulnerable cities to terrorist attacks. Look at the past four months and we were given enough warnings about a bigger attack in future. The number of failed bomb attacks – in Delhi high court, Delhi's Gargi College, Sealdah-New Delhi Rajdhani Express and elsewhere. They were dismissed as pranks. Perhaps these were the result of the Karachi Project which David Hadley revealed in his interrogation to FBI. Mumbai blasts could be an indication that the Karachi Project is blooming in India. Home grown Jehad group have been active and our Intelligence have failed to trap them. Not one of the five urban terrorist attacks that preceded the latest Mumbai bombings has been solved. Perhaps the lull after 2008 has set in complacency in the intelligence agencies. This was evident in the goof-ups in the 'Most Wanted' list that was posted to Pakistan. It's clear that coordination among security agencies in India is still lacking. And why not as many of the internal security reforms proposed after the 26/11 attacks have bitten the dust. Despite decades of terror attack we haven’t been able to pluck the shortage in the Police personnel in our country. As per the home ministry, about 5,40,000 policemen were immediately required to make up the shortages in our police forces. But less than a third of that number has been recruited till date. Our projections for policing are well below the UN recommended ratio of 222 policemen per 1,00,000 citizens. Worse still, for a country repeatedly targeted by terrorists, India's internal security budget is less than 1% of its GDP, whereas India's defence budget is about 2.5% of its GDP. If the responsibility of the government is to protect its citizens, then it simply needs to spend more on equipping, training and arming our policemen to achieve greater efficiency. We urgently need to spend a huge amount on CCTV Camera installed on strategic positions. These footage are crucial in catching terrorists. The London bombers, the Time square bombers and Kasab were all caught on camera. We need to model our Police and surveillance on UK, which has about 1.85 million CCTV cameras and the average Briton is caught on camera 70 times a day as per the police figures. Living in a surveillance society is the need of the hour. We also need to adopt the idea of community policing from UK which has protected London which perhaps has the largest movement of terrorists through it but remains secure.
We need to accept that the US withdrawal from Afghanistan and its cut in aids to Pakistan will make our neighborhood a secure field for the terrorist to play as they want. Mr. Chidambaram has rightly pointed out that India is located in one of the most dangerous regions in the world. Our neighborhood is the global terrorism's epicenter. It is their aim to target India's economic rise and its cities, which remain crowded, disorganized and vulnerable. We need some elementary steps that could make citizens secure. Upgrading our police force, investing in technology for internal security and the long awaited national intelligence grid initiative could help fill this void, but it is still some years from being completed. Until then, we are left at the mercy of the terrorist.
LIVING DANGEROUSLY
It's the fastest growing crime in India. New Delhi and Uttar Pradesh have been in the news for multiple rape cases in the last Month. A lot of noise is being generated about the rising rape cases in our country specially in Delhi and UP. Though the statistics suggests the dubious distinction of the ''rape state'' has gone to Madhya Pradesh. It has reported the highest number of rape cases as per The National Crime Records Bureau's publication. As an embarrassed government gets ready to enact tougher rape laws, the victims continue to face an insensitive police and criminal justice system.
The reasons for this sudden increase in rape is a complex mix of migration and growing urbanization, shrinking spaces in cities and the high visibility of women outside their homes. Lack of value-based education, dwindling healthy social relationships, and easy access to vulgar pornography are some of the reasons cited by the experts. However, law enforcement agencies argue that actual rape cases haven't increased substantially, what has is their reportage. And in any case since 80 per cent of the accused are known to the victims, it's a crime virtually not preventable. Not only that, the rate of conviction of rapists is also insignificant. Put together, these factors create a lethal combination that encourages rape, for the fear of being caught and punished is insignificant while the chances of getting away with the crime are very high.
India's booming economy has brought sweeping social change in our culture. The number of women in the workforce has roughly doubled in the past 15 years. There has been an explosive clash between the rapidly modernizing city and the embattled, conservative village culture upon which the cities increasingly encroaches. A Thomson Reuters Foundation global poll named India as the fourth most dangerous place for women in the world, after Afghanistan, Congo and Pakistan. It is about women’s lack of choices in general. Unlike Afghanistan, Congo or Somalia (fifth on the shame list), India is not war-torn. It is just violent towards its women through deeply entrenched social and cultural conditions. Apart from rape, murders, dowry deaths, honour killings and various forms of domestic abuse, our failure to check female infanticide and foeticide, or trafficking of women, or to provide women adequate healthcare and education have clinched our place in the top rung of the shame list.
The rising rape cases have created some ripple in the urban women resulting in the creation of a “Besharmi Morcha” in Delhi. This group proposes a “Slut Walk” an international street protest by women. It is as a march against sexual violence and opposition to the general belief that a woman’s indecent dressing promotes rape. But let’s not lose perspective. The Slut Walk is not a movement to empower women in India. It is more an urban & elite class protest. It is like polishing a door knob when you don’t have a door, or even a roof over your head. Me-too feminism plucked from countries where women’s rights and gender equality is treasured doesn’t work for India, where women lack basic human rights. But this does not make it irrelevant. Feminism needs all kinds of movements and forms of protest. If calling it Slut Walk gets people to notice the protest and if it starts discussion and debates to bring in changes in perception then let the ‘Slutty Savitries’ protest.
It's the fastest growing crime in India. New Delhi and Uttar Pradesh have been in the news for multiple rape cases in the last Month. A lot of noise is being generated about the rising rape cases in our country specially in Delhi and UP. Though the statistics suggests the dubious distinction of the ''rape state'' has gone to Madhya Pradesh. It has reported the highest number of rape cases as per The National Crime Records Bureau's publication. As an embarrassed government gets ready to enact tougher rape laws, the victims continue to face an insensitive police and criminal justice system.
The reasons for this sudden increase in rape is a complex mix of migration and growing urbanization, shrinking spaces in cities and the high visibility of women outside their homes. Lack of value-based education, dwindling healthy social relationships, and easy access to vulgar pornography are some of the reasons cited by the experts. However, law enforcement agencies argue that actual rape cases haven't increased substantially, what has is their reportage. And in any case since 80 per cent of the accused are known to the victims, it's a crime virtually not preventable. Not only that, the rate of conviction of rapists is also insignificant. Put together, these factors create a lethal combination that encourages rape, for the fear of being caught and punished is insignificant while the chances of getting away with the crime are very high.
India's booming economy has brought sweeping social change in our culture. The number of women in the workforce has roughly doubled in the past 15 years. There has been an explosive clash between the rapidly modernizing city and the embattled, conservative village culture upon which the cities increasingly encroaches. A Thomson Reuters Foundation global poll named India as the fourth most dangerous place for women in the world, after Afghanistan, Congo and Pakistan. It is about women’s lack of choices in general. Unlike Afghanistan, Congo or Somalia (fifth on the shame list), India is not war-torn. It is just violent towards its women through deeply entrenched social and cultural conditions. Apart from rape, murders, dowry deaths, honour killings and various forms of domestic abuse, our failure to check female infanticide and foeticide, or trafficking of women, or to provide women adequate healthcare and education have clinched our place in the top rung of the shame list.
The rising rape cases have created some ripple in the urban women resulting in the creation of a “Besharmi Morcha” in Delhi. This group proposes a “Slut Walk” an international street protest by women. It is as a march against sexual violence and opposition to the general belief that a woman’s indecent dressing promotes rape. But let’s not lose perspective. The Slut Walk is not a movement to empower women in India. It is more an urban & elite class protest. It is like polishing a door knob when you don’t have a door, or even a roof over your head. Me-too feminism plucked from countries where women’s rights and gender equality is treasured doesn’t work for India, where women lack basic human rights. But this does not make it irrelevant. Feminism needs all kinds of movements and forms of protest. If calling it Slut Walk gets people to notice the protest and if it starts discussion and debates to bring in changes in perception then let the ‘Slutty Savitries’ protest.
Sunday, June 19, 2011
UNFORTUNATE STANDOFF
UNFORTUNATE STANDOFF
The Government’s efforts at trying to bottle the genie of Anna Hazare and Baba Ramdev's "movements" are proving to be futile. The war of words between civil society activists and the UPA government is threatening to derail the drafting of the Lokpal bill. Both parties are equally responsible for the unfortunate standoff. Congress spokesperson Manish Tewari's reference to the tyranny of the “unelected and unelectable” and Mr. Hazare's strident criticism of the UPA II were easily avoidable. The Government is on a roller coaster drive regarding the role of the civil society. It started from cajoling- collaborating - criticizing them. Such a civil society movement, Pranab Mukherjee said, amounts to a "sinister move of destroying the fine balance between the three organs of government enshrined in our constitution". "If someone dictates terms from outside to the government, does it not weaken or subvert democracy? It is a big question... We are all civil society, no one is uncivil."Clearly, Mukherjee's definition of civil society in the haste of a press conference is literal. The World Bank defines civil society to "refer to a wide array of non-governmental and not-for-profit organizations that have a presence in public life, expressing the interests and values of their members or others, based on ethical, cultural, political, scientific, religious or philanthropic considerations". Theory aside, civil society in India seems defined by exclusion. It is crowded with human rights lawyers and activists, NGO leaders, academics and intellectuals, high-profile journalists, celebrities and think tank-hirelings. Mass media debates never see landless labourers, displaced people, nurses, trade union workers, bus conductors being asked to speak for ‘civil society.' Though, indeed they should.
There is no denying that Anna Hazare and Baba Ramdev have the right to galvanize their supporters to take on the plague of corruption, despite their blotchy ideologies and vague prescriptions for social reforms. But the hyperbole utilized for describing the movement of the civil society as a second war of independence needs to be looked into. There have been many unknown - and unsung - activists who are working quietly and ushering in changes without whining loudly that India has failed itself. One example was that of Swamy Nigamanand, who died during his ‘anshan’ in the same hospital on the same day Ramdev broke his fast, fighting for the river Ganga. But he was completely ignored by all- the government, media and the so called civil society. There is a chance that overuse of civil society can become a double-edged source. Baba Ramdev's anti-graft protest, for example, was being openly backed by right-wing Hindu nationalist organizations and many believed that it was taking a disturbingly strident political hue.
An enlarged and more representative civil society - ideally a larger, wider group of people from all over the country, not just a bunch of well meaning lawyers and activists from Delhi - should be putting pressure on a stubborn government to act against corruption. Civil society is not intrinsically virtuous. And good graft-free governance does not come from reforming the state alone - it demands the reformation of society and its people
The Government’s efforts at trying to bottle the genie of Anna Hazare and Baba Ramdev's "movements" are proving to be futile. The war of words between civil society activists and the UPA government is threatening to derail the drafting of the Lokpal bill. Both parties are equally responsible for the unfortunate standoff. Congress spokesperson Manish Tewari's reference to the tyranny of the “unelected and unelectable” and Mr. Hazare's strident criticism of the UPA II were easily avoidable. The Government is on a roller coaster drive regarding the role of the civil society. It started from cajoling- collaborating - criticizing them. Such a civil society movement, Pranab Mukherjee said, amounts to a "sinister move of destroying the fine balance between the three organs of government enshrined in our constitution". "If someone dictates terms from outside to the government, does it not weaken or subvert democracy? It is a big question... We are all civil society, no one is uncivil."Clearly, Mukherjee's definition of civil society in the haste of a press conference is literal. The World Bank defines civil society to "refer to a wide array of non-governmental and not-for-profit organizations that have a presence in public life, expressing the interests and values of their members or others, based on ethical, cultural, political, scientific, religious or philanthropic considerations". Theory aside, civil society in India seems defined by exclusion. It is crowded with human rights lawyers and activists, NGO leaders, academics and intellectuals, high-profile journalists, celebrities and think tank-hirelings. Mass media debates never see landless labourers, displaced people, nurses, trade union workers, bus conductors being asked to speak for ‘civil society.' Though, indeed they should.
There is no denying that Anna Hazare and Baba Ramdev have the right to galvanize their supporters to take on the plague of corruption, despite their blotchy ideologies and vague prescriptions for social reforms. But the hyperbole utilized for describing the movement of the civil society as a second war of independence needs to be looked into. There have been many unknown - and unsung - activists who are working quietly and ushering in changes without whining loudly that India has failed itself. One example was that of Swamy Nigamanand, who died during his ‘anshan’ in the same hospital on the same day Ramdev broke his fast, fighting for the river Ganga. But he was completely ignored by all- the government, media and the so called civil society. There is a chance that overuse of civil society can become a double-edged source. Baba Ramdev's anti-graft protest, for example, was being openly backed by right-wing Hindu nationalist organizations and many believed that it was taking a disturbingly strident political hue.
An enlarged and more representative civil society - ideally a larger, wider group of people from all over the country, not just a bunch of well meaning lawyers and activists from Delhi - should be putting pressure on a stubborn government to act against corruption. Civil society is not intrinsically virtuous. And good graft-free governance does not come from reforming the state alone - it demands the reformation of society and its people
Monday, May 23, 2011
Regional Satraps
The Rise of Regional Satraps
The results of the state elections have once again brought back the regional satraps at the national level. The electoral verdict in five states has revived the debate on the tactical importance of national parties to have strong leaders and well-oiled party machinery in the poll-bound states. These elections have brought forth strong regional leaders, Mamta Bannerji, Jayalalitha and Jagan Mohan Reddy. It would be mental laziness to merely dismiss these regional leaders and the growing phenomenon of rationalization of India's politics. It may be recalled that until the 1980s national politics completely subsumed regional aspirations. Now, regional politics is seeking to determine the national agenda. The growing power of these leaders is such that both the national parties ( Cong & BJP) are finding it difficult to tackle them. Congress, is getting a jolt from Jagan Mohan Reddy while the BJP, has failed to convince the Karnataka CM Yeddyurappa that rampant corruption in his government, are causing enough harm to the party and thus he should quit. Political parties are unable to act against such trends, since they have no leader of political or moral authority. The mighty Congress, which ruled the country at the time of Independence, has splintered into multiple parties now.
In 21st century when both the Congress and BJP are facing crisis of strong leader at the top there is no Indira Gandhi in Congress and BJP’s aging duo of Atal Bihari Vajpayee and L KAdvani have lost their magic touch it is not only the regional leaders who are asserting, even their siblings are twisting the arms and there is no one to discipline them. Unlike in the past the chief ministers of today are in a better position to carve out their space. Better media management and social engineering as well as efficient use of centrally-sponsored populist programmes are helping them build their own image in their respective states. This was not possible with the regional satraps of a generation back.
Indian history has seen this phenomenon of strong central authority or rulers like the Moghuls & Mauryas, later succumbing to power of regional partners. A replica of this phenomenon of centralization and decentralization is being witnessed once again. A prolonged central rule of national party and its shortcomings have given way to the rise of regionalism. These election results show that the winning formula is a powerful regional leader. Tamil Nadu was the first state way back in late 60s which displaced the Congress by its own local party which soon became two parties. Congress has played second fiddle ever since in Tamil Nadu. In Kerala, the Congress is locally no different from the Communists as far as governance or political culture is concerned. Now, Mamata Banerjee has shown that West Bengal will also be like Tamil Nadu. There will be a regional party of Bengal which will rule without much of a role for the Congress. Nitish Kumar in Bihar and Navin Patnaik in Odisha are their own bosses, without a national party hovering over them and Narendra Modi does not have to listen to his national party. In Assam, Tarun Gogoi although under the central leadership has his own power and when in trouble could carve his own niche. He too can be a regional satrap
While the critics argue that his is the way a true federation should work. India is as large as Europe and there is no reason to expect uniform political cultures. Local interests, local class structures and local geography determine the shape of politics. Unfortunately this has not been the case in India. Rise of regional leaders have weaken the Nation and brought in corruption. It has promoted the feeling of separatism. These regional leaders are only committed to the growth of their own region. They use their respective ministries as their personal fiefdom. Look at A Raja and the mammoth Corruption in his ministry which virtually reduced the PMO to nothing. The Railway ministry has been used and abused for the growth of the region of the incharge minister. Successive Railway Ministers have favoured their own States, discarding merit and economic justification. Consequently, instead of getting stronger, the nation has seemed to become weak in one way or other. Now all our leaders are regional Satraps, with no all India affiliation. We cannot produce national leaders, as long as the Central Government allocates the resources. To save the country from the rise of these regional satraps, we'll have to promote and propagate the thoughts of nationalism at every level. Besides, it is the responsibility of the Central government to ensure that any group of people of any state, particularly rural people never think that they are being given step-motherly treatment by the governments. Regional satraps can be controlled only through such steps.
The results of the state elections have once again brought back the regional satraps at the national level. The electoral verdict in five states has revived the debate on the tactical importance of national parties to have strong leaders and well-oiled party machinery in the poll-bound states. These elections have brought forth strong regional leaders, Mamta Bannerji, Jayalalitha and Jagan Mohan Reddy. It would be mental laziness to merely dismiss these regional leaders and the growing phenomenon of rationalization of India's politics. It may be recalled that until the 1980s national politics completely subsumed regional aspirations. Now, regional politics is seeking to determine the national agenda. The growing power of these leaders is such that both the national parties ( Cong & BJP) are finding it difficult to tackle them. Congress, is getting a jolt from Jagan Mohan Reddy while the BJP, has failed to convince the Karnataka CM Yeddyurappa that rampant corruption in his government, are causing enough harm to the party and thus he should quit. Political parties are unable to act against such trends, since they have no leader of political or moral authority. The mighty Congress, which ruled the country at the time of Independence, has splintered into multiple parties now.
In 21st century when both the Congress and BJP are facing crisis of strong leader at the top there is no Indira Gandhi in Congress and BJP’s aging duo of Atal Bihari Vajpayee and L KAdvani have lost their magic touch it is not only the regional leaders who are asserting, even their siblings are twisting the arms and there is no one to discipline them. Unlike in the past the chief ministers of today are in a better position to carve out their space. Better media management and social engineering as well as efficient use of centrally-sponsored populist programmes are helping them build their own image in their respective states. This was not possible with the regional satraps of a generation back.
Indian history has seen this phenomenon of strong central authority or rulers like the Moghuls & Mauryas, later succumbing to power of regional partners. A replica of this phenomenon of centralization and decentralization is being witnessed once again. A prolonged central rule of national party and its shortcomings have given way to the rise of regionalism. These election results show that the winning formula is a powerful regional leader. Tamil Nadu was the first state way back in late 60s which displaced the Congress by its own local party which soon became two parties. Congress has played second fiddle ever since in Tamil Nadu. In Kerala, the Congress is locally no different from the Communists as far as governance or political culture is concerned. Now, Mamata Banerjee has shown that West Bengal will also be like Tamil Nadu. There will be a regional party of Bengal which will rule without much of a role for the Congress. Nitish Kumar in Bihar and Navin Patnaik in Odisha are their own bosses, without a national party hovering over them and Narendra Modi does not have to listen to his national party. In Assam, Tarun Gogoi although under the central leadership has his own power and when in trouble could carve his own niche. He too can be a regional satrap
While the critics argue that his is the way a true federation should work. India is as large as Europe and there is no reason to expect uniform political cultures. Local interests, local class structures and local geography determine the shape of politics. Unfortunately this has not been the case in India. Rise of regional leaders have weaken the Nation and brought in corruption. It has promoted the feeling of separatism. These regional leaders are only committed to the growth of their own region. They use their respective ministries as their personal fiefdom. Look at A Raja and the mammoth Corruption in his ministry which virtually reduced the PMO to nothing. The Railway ministry has been used and abused for the growth of the region of the incharge minister. Successive Railway Ministers have favoured their own States, discarding merit and economic justification. Consequently, instead of getting stronger, the nation has seemed to become weak in one way or other. Now all our leaders are regional Satraps, with no all India affiliation. We cannot produce national leaders, as long as the Central Government allocates the resources. To save the country from the rise of these regional satraps, we'll have to promote and propagate the thoughts of nationalism at every level. Besides, it is the responsibility of the Central government to ensure that any group of people of any state, particularly rural people never think that they are being given step-motherly treatment by the governments. Regional satraps can be controlled only through such steps.
Monday, May 9, 2011
Nostalgic recollections!!
When awake at one AM in the night I suddenly realised that my pitch dark closed room was almost claustrophobic.Thanks to Air conditioning which i consider a boon and curse both. Remembered my childhood days when being awake was a treat at watching stars in the sky and counting my favourite clusters. This made me compare them with three stars twinkling in my room in the colour red. The permanent small lights of TV, TATA SKY set top box and a mobile charger. What a change-from million stars to three permanent ones with fixed positions!!
I long for those days when we would wait for the summer to arrive and sleep in our AAngan, on Charpoys.(closed courtyard at the back of the house)I would fight for a particular bed as it was near the MOGRA plant which would be on full bloom during summer nights. I slept on one side to permanently smell it all night. that habit has stayed with me, the only difference is that I smell GOod night mosquito repellent instead of Mogra or jasmine!! Although i try to compensate quite often by bying Mogra flowers and putting them on my Bed side table to get that nostalgic feeling of summer nights of my childhood.A midnight thirst would make me relish the cold water from a Mud surahi, (the water too smelled of fresh wet Mitti)kept near our beds in the AAngan. now I have to be contented with the Tupperware bottle mimicking the AC's temperature and smelling of plastic. In disgust i rolled to the other-side of the Bed only to find innumerable remotes lying between me and my husband. disadvantage of sleeping on the left side of left handed Husband!!. to put them away one really needs to catch them with both hands. Remotes of TV, TATASKY, Cordless phone and AC are permanently parked between us. thank God for all the Mobiles resting on the bedside table.I grumbled and remembered my small transistor with which I would sleep in the open listening to Vividhbharti's Chaya geet program.
Mornings would come early at dawn in the open, with my parents getting up for morning prayers. I would pull the sheet on my head to catch those precious few minutes before the sun rose and shone directly into our eyes.We would be forced to abandon our beds and enjoy the beautiful summer mornings, Plucking the flowers of Mogra and often going for a walk. The freshness of those mornings is unparalleled by the artificially controlled cold Air of Air conditioning.
Now instead of pulling my sheets on my head i struggle to locate the remote to switch off the AC and Hope My husband would get up before me to open the windows and the door of the room to let in some fresh morning air.
I do take my children to the Farm to make them feel the pleasure of sleeping in the open during summers.They enjoy it and make plans to sleep in our front lawn or the roof top as the houses don't have backyards anymore.But despite all efforts they couldn't view the stars as the city lights Blurs them, and street light disturbs them.I remembered how we would shoot the street bulbs with AirGun to make it pitch dark in the summers and was surprised that My son offered the same suggestion. The only difference is that our time bulbs are now replaced with tube lights!!
I long for those lovely summers of my Childhood and miss them terribly. Sometime I hate all the modern amenities which have made life comfortable but lethargic and moved me away from nature.
I long for those days when we would wait for the summer to arrive and sleep in our AAngan, on Charpoys.(closed courtyard at the back of the house)I would fight for a particular bed as it was near the MOGRA plant which would be on full bloom during summer nights. I slept on one side to permanently smell it all night. that habit has stayed with me, the only difference is that I smell GOod night mosquito repellent instead of Mogra or jasmine!! Although i try to compensate quite often by bying Mogra flowers and putting them on my Bed side table to get that nostalgic feeling of summer nights of my childhood.A midnight thirst would make me relish the cold water from a Mud surahi, (the water too smelled of fresh wet Mitti)kept near our beds in the AAngan. now I have to be contented with the Tupperware bottle mimicking the AC's temperature and smelling of plastic. In disgust i rolled to the other-side of the Bed only to find innumerable remotes lying between me and my husband. disadvantage of sleeping on the left side of left handed Husband!!. to put them away one really needs to catch them with both hands. Remotes of TV, TATASKY, Cordless phone and AC are permanently parked between us. thank God for all the Mobiles resting on the bedside table.I grumbled and remembered my small transistor with which I would sleep in the open listening to Vividhbharti's Chaya geet program.
Mornings would come early at dawn in the open, with my parents getting up for morning prayers. I would pull the sheet on my head to catch those precious few minutes before the sun rose and shone directly into our eyes.We would be forced to abandon our beds and enjoy the beautiful summer mornings, Plucking the flowers of Mogra and often going for a walk. The freshness of those mornings is unparalleled by the artificially controlled cold Air of Air conditioning.
Now instead of pulling my sheets on my head i struggle to locate the remote to switch off the AC and Hope My husband would get up before me to open the windows and the door of the room to let in some fresh morning air.
I do take my children to the Farm to make them feel the pleasure of sleeping in the open during summers.They enjoy it and make plans to sleep in our front lawn or the roof top as the houses don't have backyards anymore.But despite all efforts they couldn't view the stars as the city lights Blurs them, and street light disturbs them.I remembered how we would shoot the street bulbs with AirGun to make it pitch dark in the summers and was surprised that My son offered the same suggestion. The only difference is that our time bulbs are now replaced with tube lights!!
I long for those lovely summers of my Childhood and miss them terribly. Sometime I hate all the modern amenities which have made life comfortable but lethargic and moved me away from nature.
Thursday, May 5, 2011
Let the peace begin
Let the Peace Begin
The Death of Osama bin Laden in Pakistan constitutes a significant victory over global terrorism. It is indeed a victory for President Barack Obama who announced in a midnight televised address to the world that he has got Osama. Obama's ability to use rhetoric to inspire has always been one of his greatest political assets. His statement announcing the mission's success demonstrated dignity and pride. He confidently announced that he -- and the forces under his command -- had actually accomplished the mission that seemed nearly impossible. The death of a single individual is essentially being heralded as a justification for the deaths of at least hundreds of thousands (a figure largely comprised of civilians) in Iraq, Afghanistan, and elsewhere. It morally justifies the use of "enhanced interrogations" and "extraordinary renditions." It clears the ledgers on the trillions of dollars spent on futile wars for nearly 10 years. And, most appreciably, it validates the Bush Administration's open-ended waging of global warfare.
One must remember that eliminating Osama is a milestone, not a turning point, in what remains an ongoing struggle without a foreseeable end. The significance of what was accomplished stems from Bin Laden's symbolic importance. He has been an icon, one representing the ability to strike with success against the United States and the West. That icon is now gone. But before bursting into celebrations we need to face at least two realities. The first is that Bin Laden's demise is in no way to be equated with the demise of terrorism. This is not a Victory over Terrorism Day. Terrorism is a decentralized phenomenon- and Al-Qaeda is now a franchise organization with innumerable franchisee all around the world operating out of Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia, and other countries. So terrorism will continue. Indeed, it could even grow somewhat worse in the short run as there are sure to be those who will want to show that they can still strike against the West.
The second reason for responding with caution to this welcome development is that it underscores a point once again- that Pakistan is home to some of the most dangerous terrorists in the world and is decidedly less than a full partner in fight against terrorism. The country has many states within state with multiple rulers and heads and no coordination among them. Some parts of the government there are sympathetic to terrorism and unwilling to act against it; others are simply unable to do so, given a lack of capacity. This reality is unlikely to change in future.
Osama’s death has brought Pakistan at a crossroad where it urgently need to choose the right path. It should now give up its current policy of verbally condemning jihad — and actually fighting it in some places — but secretly supporting it in other places. Until the Government firmly resolves that it shall not support armed and violent non-state actors — including the Lashkar-e-Taiba — Pakistan will remain in endless conflict both with itself and with the world. Bin Laden’s death will only have meaning if it marks the beginning of the end of the ruthless cycle of violence. The world is now tired of War. "Congratulations Mr. Obama! Well done! Now it's time for you to leave Afghanistan." By cutting off the head of Al Qaeda, and with due regard to the pro-democracy surge of the Arab Spring, the era of perpetual war should now be supplemented by a period of unprecedented peace.
Let the peace begin
The Death of Osama bin Laden in Pakistan constitutes a significant victory over global terrorism. It is indeed a victory for President Barack Obama who announced in a midnight televised address to the world that he has got Osama. Obama's ability to use rhetoric to inspire has always been one of his greatest political assets. His statement announcing the mission's success demonstrated dignity and pride. He confidently announced that he -- and the forces under his command -- had actually accomplished the mission that seemed nearly impossible. The death of a single individual is essentially being heralded as a justification for the deaths of at least hundreds of thousands (a figure largely comprised of civilians) in Iraq, Afghanistan, and elsewhere. It morally justifies the use of "enhanced interrogations" and "extraordinary renditions." It clears the ledgers on the trillions of dollars spent on futile wars for nearly 10 years. And, most appreciably, it validates the Bush Administration's open-ended waging of global warfare.
One must remember that eliminating Osama is a milestone, not a turning point, in what remains an ongoing struggle without a foreseeable end. The significance of what was accomplished stems from Bin Laden's symbolic importance. He has been an icon, one representing the ability to strike with success against the United States and the West. That icon is now gone. But before bursting into celebrations we need to face at least two realities. The first is that Bin Laden's demise is in no way to be equated with the demise of terrorism. This is not a Victory over Terrorism Day. Terrorism is a decentralized phenomenon- and Al-Qaeda is now a franchise organization with innumerable franchisee all around the world operating out of Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia, and other countries. So terrorism will continue. Indeed, it could even grow somewhat worse in the short run as there are sure to be those who will want to show that they can still strike against the West.
The second reason for responding with caution to this welcome development is that it underscores a point once again- that Pakistan is home to some of the most dangerous terrorists in the world and is decidedly less than a full partner in fight against terrorism. The country has many states within state with multiple rulers and heads and no coordination among them. Some parts of the government there are sympathetic to terrorism and unwilling to act against it; others are simply unable to do so, given a lack of capacity. This reality is unlikely to change in future.
Osama’s death has brought Pakistan at a crossroad where it urgently need to choose the right path. It should now give up its current policy of verbally condemning jihad — and actually fighting it in some places — but secretly supporting it in other places. Until the Government firmly resolves that it shall not support armed and violent non-state actors — including the Lashkar-e-Taiba — Pakistan will remain in endless conflict both with itself and with the world. Bin Laden’s death will only have meaning if it marks the beginning of the end of the ruthless cycle of violence. The world is now tired of War. "Congratulations Mr. Obama! Well done! Now it's time for you to leave Afghanistan." By cutting off the head of Al Qaeda, and with due regard to the pro-democracy surge of the Arab Spring, the era of perpetual war should now be supplemented by a period of unprecedented peace.
Let the peace begin
Sunday, April 24, 2011
THE END OF HEGEMONY
THE END OF HEGEMONY
The results of the elections will bring out a historic change in the left governed states. This time in West Bengal, the history will not repeat itself. The history of a prolonged political hegemony established by the CPIM led Left Front that replaced in 1977 another prolonged reign of the Congress is all set to change. More than three decades of Monolithic rule will be uprooted by humble women in white sari called Mamata. Its time to celebrate and say goodbye to Dhoti clad stalins. There are many factors which are bringing about this change. To start with the one accepted by Buddha Dev himself: Nadigram & Singur, wrong conceptualization of industrialization, poor governance, high-handedness of the CPIM and other left party leaders and workers, pathetic state of minorities as per the Sachar Committee report, are the range of factors that combine to create a ferocious anti-CPIM mood among the public. Although, the left has always followed the economic class line of analysis, as a crude reality the economic poor of Bengal are mainly consisted of the socially disadvantaged – Muslims, Dalits and Adivasis. What the left has continued to do was using the socio-economic vulnerabilities of the masses and taking their subjugation to the party as granted. The erosion of the left’s base among the poor was indicated enough in the 2006 election itself – the Muslim support base started to revolt. Instead of identifying the particular disadvantages of the Muslims, the party – and its public face Mr. Buddha Dev Bhataccahya – continued to alienate the Muslims. At one point of time there was little or no difference in the line of expression of Mr. L.K. Advani and Mr. Bhattacharya. While the policy of land acquisition, which was fought vehemently by the Muslims in Bhangar (near Kolkata) even before 2006, directly went against the livelihood interest of the Muslims, Mr. Bhattacharya’s almost equating this social group with religious terrorism, fanaticism, intellectual backwardness and so on, infuriated them en masse. On the other hand, the growing aspiration among part of the dalit masses, who are relatively empowered than their lowlier brethren but perceived to be deprived of the privileges and power, found ways of expression against the suppressive rule of the party and government. Instead of attempting to read the situation the CPIM tried to control damage through the conventional means – party’s custodianship at the societal level and over-dependence on bureaucracy at governmental level.
So how will the left behave in opposition? Will it play a constructive role or stall every new bill in the assembly and go berserk on the streets, in conformity with its trademark public behaviour? The entire Left front needs to bring more democracy in its cadre and stop behaving like a Hindu Undivided Family where the role of the other partners is strictly defined and prescribed by the big brother. To rebuild its image, it needs to come out of its 34years of comfort zone to contribute and help the state into turning Right.
The results of the elections will bring out a historic change in the left governed states. This time in West Bengal, the history will not repeat itself. The history of a prolonged political hegemony established by the CPIM led Left Front that replaced in 1977 another prolonged reign of the Congress is all set to change. More than three decades of Monolithic rule will be uprooted by humble women in white sari called Mamata. Its time to celebrate and say goodbye to Dhoti clad stalins. There are many factors which are bringing about this change. To start with the one accepted by Buddha Dev himself: Nadigram & Singur, wrong conceptualization of industrialization, poor governance, high-handedness of the CPIM and other left party leaders and workers, pathetic state of minorities as per the Sachar Committee report, are the range of factors that combine to create a ferocious anti-CPIM mood among the public. Although, the left has always followed the economic class line of analysis, as a crude reality the economic poor of Bengal are mainly consisted of the socially disadvantaged – Muslims, Dalits and Adivasis. What the left has continued to do was using the socio-economic vulnerabilities of the masses and taking their subjugation to the party as granted. The erosion of the left’s base among the poor was indicated enough in the 2006 election itself – the Muslim support base started to revolt. Instead of identifying the particular disadvantages of the Muslims, the party – and its public face Mr. Buddha Dev Bhataccahya – continued to alienate the Muslims. At one point of time there was little or no difference in the line of expression of Mr. L.K. Advani and Mr. Bhattacharya. While the policy of land acquisition, which was fought vehemently by the Muslims in Bhangar (near Kolkata) even before 2006, directly went against the livelihood interest of the Muslims, Mr. Bhattacharya’s almost equating this social group with religious terrorism, fanaticism, intellectual backwardness and so on, infuriated them en masse. On the other hand, the growing aspiration among part of the dalit masses, who are relatively empowered than their lowlier brethren but perceived to be deprived of the privileges and power, found ways of expression against the suppressive rule of the party and government. Instead of attempting to read the situation the CPIM tried to control damage through the conventional means – party’s custodianship at the societal level and over-dependence on bureaucracy at governmental level.
So how will the left behave in opposition? Will it play a constructive role or stall every new bill in the assembly and go berserk on the streets, in conformity with its trademark public behaviour? The entire Left front needs to bring more democracy in its cadre and stop behaving like a Hindu Undivided Family where the role of the other partners is strictly defined and prescribed by the big brother. To rebuild its image, it needs to come out of its 34years of comfort zone to contribute and help the state into turning Right.
Friday, April 8, 2011
THE PIED PIPER
The Pied Piper
The hysteria of winning the World Cup in cricket has shifted gears and turned into anger against the overflowing cup of corruption. Led by the veteran Gandhian Anna Hazare in his fast unto death for a tougher JanLok pal bill, the Jantar Mantar of New Delhi has become the new Tahrir square. Hazare has stirred the deep frustration and the buried desire of the common man to stand against unbearable and shameful corrupt system of our country. We are forced to pay for every service to which we are entitled free of cost as a law abiding and taxpaying citizen. The spontaneous and incredible support to Anna across the country and on the virtual world is the result of the fast running scammometer of this government. His fast-unto-death, demanding the passage of the JanLok pal Bill and inclusion of the civil society in its drafting has resulted after the complete loss of credibility in the corrupt politicians and bureaucrats.
The toothless draft of the Lokpal Bill prepared by the law ministry has many loopholes. According to the government’s draft, the Lokpal or the ombudsman can receive complaints only from Parliament. The activists are rightly demanding the Lokpal be allowed to receive complaints from the public directly. In a country, where public officers are not known to be exactly responsive to genuine complaints, keeping them outside the ambit of law is counterproductive. The government also wants to keep bureaucrats, the root cause of corruption, outside the purview of the Bill. Both these provisions show the intent of the government clearly: pass the law but make it toothless. India undoubtedly needs an Ombudsman of the kind Anna is demanding. We have seen the efficient and excellent working of the CBI in 2G scam has resulted form its powers from the court. If freedom from the governmental control can make CBI strong, imagine what results a strong ombudsman can give in handling corruption.
While there can be no second opinion in endorsing Mr. Hazare's crusade, forcing the government to take a stand on the Jan Lokpal Bill without a full-scale debate and discussion on it is fraught with danger. Constant friction between the government and civil society will not yield any significant result. A solution should be worked out by enacting a comprehensive bill that borrows the best from the government and civil society. There are apprehensions in the government that by involving the civil society in the drafting of this bill will abdicate its absolute authority, and yielding to such pressure will strike at the roots of the Constitution. According to the some members of the government, Anna is derailing and hijacking the democratic process. He is being accused of undermining the importance of the constitutional representatives and law making authorities while trying to do good for the nation. These allegations show that the government is clearly on the defensive. Now that the majority of the demands of Anna Hazare, are being met by the government, it is being celebrated as the first winning shot against corruption. What remains to be seen is how will the merging of the roles of investigator, judge and prosecutor within one office eradicate corruption from Government offices. Before celebrating this win as a triumph of democracy let us hope that the joint committee members will rub their heads and brains together and come up with a Lokpal bill which will accommodate the demands of the ‘Jan’ and conforms to democratic norms as well.
The hysteria of winning the World Cup in cricket has shifted gears and turned into anger against the overflowing cup of corruption. Led by the veteran Gandhian Anna Hazare in his fast unto death for a tougher JanLok pal bill, the Jantar Mantar of New Delhi has become the new Tahrir square. Hazare has stirred the deep frustration and the buried desire of the common man to stand against unbearable and shameful corrupt system of our country. We are forced to pay for every service to which we are entitled free of cost as a law abiding and taxpaying citizen. The spontaneous and incredible support to Anna across the country and on the virtual world is the result of the fast running scammometer of this government. His fast-unto-death, demanding the passage of the JanLok pal Bill and inclusion of the civil society in its drafting has resulted after the complete loss of credibility in the corrupt politicians and bureaucrats.
The toothless draft of the Lokpal Bill prepared by the law ministry has many loopholes. According to the government’s draft, the Lokpal or the ombudsman can receive complaints only from Parliament. The activists are rightly demanding the Lokpal be allowed to receive complaints from the public directly. In a country, where public officers are not known to be exactly responsive to genuine complaints, keeping them outside the ambit of law is counterproductive. The government also wants to keep bureaucrats, the root cause of corruption, outside the purview of the Bill. Both these provisions show the intent of the government clearly: pass the law but make it toothless. India undoubtedly needs an Ombudsman of the kind Anna is demanding. We have seen the efficient and excellent working of the CBI in 2G scam has resulted form its powers from the court. If freedom from the governmental control can make CBI strong, imagine what results a strong ombudsman can give in handling corruption.
While there can be no second opinion in endorsing Mr. Hazare's crusade, forcing the government to take a stand on the Jan Lokpal Bill without a full-scale debate and discussion on it is fraught with danger. Constant friction between the government and civil society will not yield any significant result. A solution should be worked out by enacting a comprehensive bill that borrows the best from the government and civil society. There are apprehensions in the government that by involving the civil society in the drafting of this bill will abdicate its absolute authority, and yielding to such pressure will strike at the roots of the Constitution. According to the some members of the government, Anna is derailing and hijacking the democratic process. He is being accused of undermining the importance of the constitutional representatives and law making authorities while trying to do good for the nation. These allegations show that the government is clearly on the defensive. Now that the majority of the demands of Anna Hazare, are being met by the government, it is being celebrated as the first winning shot against corruption. What remains to be seen is how will the merging of the roles of investigator, judge and prosecutor within one office eradicate corruption from Government offices. Before celebrating this win as a triumph of democracy let us hope that the joint committee members will rub their heads and brains together and come up with a Lokpal bill which will accommodate the demands of the ‘Jan’ and conforms to democratic norms as well.
Tuesday, March 29, 2011
NUCLEAR TREMORS
Japan's Fukushima disaster, have brought back the fears we all tried to bury after watching James Bridges's 1971 epic "The China Syndrome’s." It has reminded us the fragility of our planet's energy sources and the safety of our nuclear power plants. Fukushima crisis has prompted a re-examination of the safety net for nuclear power throughout the world. Germany has already announced the shutting down of its 7 old reactors and US is also reviewing some.The catastrophe resulting from the devastating earthquake has raised concerns over the safety of Indian atomic power generators - particularly the proposed Jaitapur which falls in a seismically sensitive area in Maharashtra and others which are mostly in coastline, making them prone to accidents in case tsunami hits India.
Fukushima holds a number of lessons for India as it embarks on a massive nuclear power expansion programme. If the present crisis is the fate of a country whose technological & managerial capabilities are world renowned, where standards are generally maintained strictly to norms, what would happen in a country like India where these are routinely thrown to the winds with a ‘chalta hai’ attitude. We have already witnessed a trailor of this attitude when the Delhi University callously disposed its hazardous equipment resulting in the death of a scrap dealer due to radiations. We have witnessed heated debates in Indian news rooms on the use fullness of the nuclear power generation the past weeks. A strong call has been given by the environmentalist on clean renewable energy. The same concerns were raised around the world after the BP spill was making huge headlines. Since the human memory is short, the BP spill has already been forgotten and the same will happen to Fukushima. The pattern repeats itself all too often: crisis, followed by a spike in consumer interest in renewable energy and a rapid return to normal, as we hop into our big cars and laze around our energy-guzzling homes. In fact, we live this pattern every time we are struck by disasters.
With the rising expectations of winning the cricket world cup and the news of military operations in Libya, the Fukushima story is already through its own catch-and-release consumer interest cycle. Reports of unsafe water and vegetables, resulting in empty racks of bottled water in Japanese superstores should make us question what our own country's plans for nuclear power could mean for our present and the safety of future generations? What did we really learn from Fukushima? We need to discard the hubristic “it-can’t-happen-here” approach and introspect into our own nuclear safety record. We urgently need an independent and credible safety audit of India’s nuclear programme, in which people outside the Department of Atomic Energy participate. There must be an immediate moratorium on further reactor construction, including the untested models like Areva’s European Pressurised Reactor that India is planning to install at Jaitapur in Maharashtra.
Indian consumers also have a responsibility to understand the impact of their energy choices. Fukushima should move us to support suppliers and purchasers of clean, safe and renewable energy from the sun, wind and geothermal sources. This doesn't mean switching to 100 percent solar power, or ceasing all use of nuclear energy. It means balancing our nation's energy portfolio, hedging against risks, uncertainties and rising energy costs over time. We need to change consumer attitudes on renewable energy. The Fukushima crisis is a bad one. But we owe it to ourselves to learn from it and work towards a long-term energy solutions.
Fukushima holds a number of lessons for India as it embarks on a massive nuclear power expansion programme. If the present crisis is the fate of a country whose technological & managerial capabilities are world renowned, where standards are generally maintained strictly to norms, what would happen in a country like India where these are routinely thrown to the winds with a ‘chalta hai’ attitude. We have already witnessed a trailor of this attitude when the Delhi University callously disposed its hazardous equipment resulting in the death of a scrap dealer due to radiations. We have witnessed heated debates in Indian news rooms on the use fullness of the nuclear power generation the past weeks. A strong call has been given by the environmentalist on clean renewable energy. The same concerns were raised around the world after the BP spill was making huge headlines. Since the human memory is short, the BP spill has already been forgotten and the same will happen to Fukushima. The pattern repeats itself all too often: crisis, followed by a spike in consumer interest in renewable energy and a rapid return to normal, as we hop into our big cars and laze around our energy-guzzling homes. In fact, we live this pattern every time we are struck by disasters.
With the rising expectations of winning the cricket world cup and the news of military operations in Libya, the Fukushima story is already through its own catch-and-release consumer interest cycle. Reports of unsafe water and vegetables, resulting in empty racks of bottled water in Japanese superstores should make us question what our own country's plans for nuclear power could mean for our present and the safety of future generations? What did we really learn from Fukushima? We need to discard the hubristic “it-can’t-happen-here” approach and introspect into our own nuclear safety record. We urgently need an independent and credible safety audit of India’s nuclear programme, in which people outside the Department of Atomic Energy participate. There must be an immediate moratorium on further reactor construction, including the untested models like Areva’s European Pressurised Reactor that India is planning to install at Jaitapur in Maharashtra.
Indian consumers also have a responsibility to understand the impact of their energy choices. Fukushima should move us to support suppliers and purchasers of clean, safe and renewable energy from the sun, wind and geothermal sources. This doesn't mean switching to 100 percent solar power, or ceasing all use of nuclear energy. It means balancing our nation's energy portfolio, hedging against risks, uncertainties and rising energy costs over time. We need to change consumer attitudes on renewable energy. The Fukushima crisis is a bad one. But we owe it to ourselves to learn from it and work towards a long-term energy solutions.
Tuesday, March 22, 2011
BATTERED & BRUISED
Battered & Bruised
Manmohan Singh’s speech in the Parliament accepting "an error of judgment" in the appointment of the CVC has severely dented his image. He looks weak & meek and a Prime Minister loosing control. The soft spoken man looked helpless and compromised due to compulsions of coalition politics and corrupt and inefficient ministers. Here is a man whose strongest asset is his integrity but who during his six and half years in power has been badly bruised and wounded by political maneuverings of his own party as well as those of the opposition. Singh's low-key manner may have impressed President Obama, but his mild-mannered style is wearing thin at home, with many Indians arguing that the country needs a firmer hand. The PM is beginning to look out of his depth in the cut and thrust of coalition politics.
Just a few days back while addressing a rare press conference, the reticent Mr.Singh appeared confident and bothered by how India's image might have been damaged by the media coverage of the rising tide of corruption. He gave reassurances that the government was "dead serious" in bringing to book "all the wrongdoers regardless of the positions they occupy". But that confidence was severely dented by the CVC fiasco. The blame game is still on in fixing the accountability for missing out the vital information of the charge sheet against Mr. Thomas. The result as to where the buck will finally stop is still awaited. We Indians may be inured to corruption, but the recent spate of allegations in the CVC case has taken the common man’s breath away. The developments on the Thomas case and its fallout could have serious repercussions on the way relations between the Prime Minister and his party are going to evolve in the near future.
The confidence which the PM spoke about the need for a "spirit of rejuvenation, and a spirit of self confidence.” at his press conference needs to be rekindled by renovating the credible mechanism of his government. This spirit is beginning to be visible in the thrust which the CBI is marching in the 2G scam. The speed and scope of the current investigation, has been unrivalled by anything India has witnessed so far. The same Prime Minister whose silence and ambivalence on 2G was seen by the Opposition and the public at large as weakness and even complicity has pushed the Central Bureau of Investigation into summoning and questioning top industrialists like Anil Ambani, raiding Kalaingar TV, the business arm of a key political ally, the DMK, questioning Karunanidhi’s daughter Kanimozhi, and sending A. Raja, who was Telecom Minister till some time ago, to the confines of Tihar Jail. These are extraordinary developments by any yardstick and government managers have let it be known that there is further excitement in the offing. Such demonstrable action - and not stirring words alone - will rejuvenate the spirit of a nation which lives in hope and despair simultaneously.
Manmohan Singh is not a traditional stereotype politician. But someone who knows which side his bread is buttered. He is conscious of his strengths despite his numerous weaknesses. Unfortunately the Nation has no other choice at present. The Government and the PM still has much time left to salvage its image and boost up the mood of the citizens. Let us hope that Manmohan Singh may have been battered and bruised by the scams but he is not yet over
Manmohan Singh’s speech in the Parliament accepting "an error of judgment" in the appointment of the CVC has severely dented his image. He looks weak & meek and a Prime Minister loosing control. The soft spoken man looked helpless and compromised due to compulsions of coalition politics and corrupt and inefficient ministers. Here is a man whose strongest asset is his integrity but who during his six and half years in power has been badly bruised and wounded by political maneuverings of his own party as well as those of the opposition. Singh's low-key manner may have impressed President Obama, but his mild-mannered style is wearing thin at home, with many Indians arguing that the country needs a firmer hand. The PM is beginning to look out of his depth in the cut and thrust of coalition politics.
Just a few days back while addressing a rare press conference, the reticent Mr.Singh appeared confident and bothered by how India's image might have been damaged by the media coverage of the rising tide of corruption. He gave reassurances that the government was "dead serious" in bringing to book "all the wrongdoers regardless of the positions they occupy". But that confidence was severely dented by the CVC fiasco. The blame game is still on in fixing the accountability for missing out the vital information of the charge sheet against Mr. Thomas. The result as to where the buck will finally stop is still awaited. We Indians may be inured to corruption, but the recent spate of allegations in the CVC case has taken the common man’s breath away. The developments on the Thomas case and its fallout could have serious repercussions on the way relations between the Prime Minister and his party are going to evolve in the near future.
The confidence which the PM spoke about the need for a "spirit of rejuvenation, and a spirit of self confidence.” at his press conference needs to be rekindled by renovating the credible mechanism of his government. This spirit is beginning to be visible in the thrust which the CBI is marching in the 2G scam. The speed and scope of the current investigation, has been unrivalled by anything India has witnessed so far. The same Prime Minister whose silence and ambivalence on 2G was seen by the Opposition and the public at large as weakness and even complicity has pushed the Central Bureau of Investigation into summoning and questioning top industrialists like Anil Ambani, raiding Kalaingar TV, the business arm of a key political ally, the DMK, questioning Karunanidhi’s daughter Kanimozhi, and sending A. Raja, who was Telecom Minister till some time ago, to the confines of Tihar Jail. These are extraordinary developments by any yardstick and government managers have let it be known that there is further excitement in the offing. Such demonstrable action - and not stirring words alone - will rejuvenate the spirit of a nation which lives in hope and despair simultaneously.
Manmohan Singh is not a traditional stereotype politician. But someone who knows which side his bread is buttered. He is conscious of his strengths despite his numerous weaknesses. Unfortunately the Nation has no other choice at present. The Government and the PM still has much time left to salvage its image and boost up the mood of the citizens. Let us hope that Manmohan Singh may have been battered and bruised by the scams but he is not yet over
Wednesday, March 2, 2011
Back to Business
Back to Business
Parliament finally returns to business after the complete washout of the winter session due to the stand-off over the 2G spectrum allocation issue. This was the longest shutdown ever. The Government has finally got a chance to explain in Parliament what it is doing about corruption and inflation- the two burning issues faced by the nation. However, the blame game for the loss of valuable 77 days of business and parliamentary practices continues.
Lament on the decline of Parliaments is not new. There is a sense of unease with the way the Parliament and the State legislatures are functioning. It is due to a decline in recent years in both the quantity and quality of work done by them. Over the years the number of days on which the houses sit to transact legislative and other business has come down very significantly. Even the relatively fewer days on which the houses meet are often marked by unseemly incidents, including use of force to intimidate opponents, shouting and shutting out of debate and discussion resulting in frequent adjournments. There is increasing concern about the decline of Parliament, falling standards of debate, erosion of the moral authority and prestige of the supreme tribune of the people. Corrective steps are urgently needed to strengthen Parliament's role as the authentic voice of the people as they struggle and suffer to realise the inspiring vision of a free and just society enshrined in the Constitution. Also, it is of the utmost importance for survival of democracy that Parliament continues to occupy a position of the highest esteem in the minds and hearts of the people.
The most important mechanism that diminishes Parliament is the diminishing individual legislator. An individual legislator is even more dependent upon the party hierarchy than in the past. No more than three or four leaders have any social base that allows them to be secure in the knowledge that they can stand their own ground against a party hierarchy. The individuality of MPs has also been effaced by the anti-defection law, which has made party whips ubiquitous. Parliament can do itself a great favour by endorsing the sensible bill introduced by Manish Tewari, restricting whips to only certain classes of issues. This will allow the individuality of voices to emerge, and MPs can be judged on their record rather than a party whip. Otherwise individual MPs will remain hostage to the phenomenon James Bryce’s in his Modern Democracies so colorfully described: “Moreover, the so-called ‘Party Machines’, which have been wont to nominate candidates, and on whose pleasure depends the political future of a large proportion of the members, prevented the will of the people from prevailing, making many members feel themselves responsible rather to it than to their constituencies.”
Parliament is taken seriously when leaders take it seriously; the House of Commons retains interest because the prime minister directly answers questions. We underestimate how much Nehru’s personal presence in Parliament elevated it. The second temptation is this: as the TRS legislators hinted, after the JPC episode, every party is now learning the lesson that blocking Parliament is an effective way of getting an obdurate government to respond.
Parliament finally returns to business after the complete washout of the winter session due to the stand-off over the 2G spectrum allocation issue. This was the longest shutdown ever. The Government has finally got a chance to explain in Parliament what it is doing about corruption and inflation- the two burning issues faced by the nation. However, the blame game for the loss of valuable 77 days of business and parliamentary practices continues.
Lament on the decline of Parliaments is not new. There is a sense of unease with the way the Parliament and the State legislatures are functioning. It is due to a decline in recent years in both the quantity and quality of work done by them. Over the years the number of days on which the houses sit to transact legislative and other business has come down very significantly. Even the relatively fewer days on which the houses meet are often marked by unseemly incidents, including use of force to intimidate opponents, shouting and shutting out of debate and discussion resulting in frequent adjournments. There is increasing concern about the decline of Parliament, falling standards of debate, erosion of the moral authority and prestige of the supreme tribune of the people. Corrective steps are urgently needed to strengthen Parliament's role as the authentic voice of the people as they struggle and suffer to realise the inspiring vision of a free and just society enshrined in the Constitution. Also, it is of the utmost importance for survival of democracy that Parliament continues to occupy a position of the highest esteem in the minds and hearts of the people.
The most important mechanism that diminishes Parliament is the diminishing individual legislator. An individual legislator is even more dependent upon the party hierarchy than in the past. No more than three or four leaders have any social base that allows them to be secure in the knowledge that they can stand their own ground against a party hierarchy. The individuality of MPs has also been effaced by the anti-defection law, which has made party whips ubiquitous. Parliament can do itself a great favour by endorsing the sensible bill introduced by Manish Tewari, restricting whips to only certain classes of issues. This will allow the individuality of voices to emerge, and MPs can be judged on their record rather than a party whip. Otherwise individual MPs will remain hostage to the phenomenon James Bryce’s in his Modern Democracies so colorfully described: “Moreover, the so-called ‘Party Machines’, which have been wont to nominate candidates, and on whose pleasure depends the political future of a large proportion of the members, prevented the will of the people from prevailing, making many members feel themselves responsible rather to it than to their constituencies.”
Parliament is taken seriously when leaders take it seriously; the House of Commons retains interest because the prime minister directly answers questions. We underestimate how much Nehru’s personal presence in Parliament elevated it. The second temptation is this: as the TRS legislators hinted, after the JPC episode, every party is now learning the lesson that blocking Parliament is an effective way of getting an obdurate government to respond.
Monday, February 14, 2011
DESERT STORM
DESERT STORM
18 day of revolution ended 30 years of dictatorship with just 50 words announcement. Hosni Mubarak has finally left. The Egyptian protestors incredible ability to achieve their victory while remaining peaceful throughout is remarkable and reminds us of Martin Luthar King’s words. "It was the moral force of non-violence... that bent the arc of history towards justice once more." What follows it is yet to come. But to the protesters, the single objective of a Mubarak resignation drove the movement with single-minded obsession. Now the Egyptian military is in command. It played an instrumental role in the revolution by protecting the protestors on one hand and the establishment on the other. Mubarak’s ouster shows that anyone who might replace him can also be brought down if he does not fulfill the aspirations of its people. With that very clear and unmistakable message, the transition of power is much more likely to produce a successor for whom the will and well-being of the people is foremost. The U.S., a long-time supporter and trainer of Egypt's military, must make it clear to the Military that Egyptian people will not tolerate any more authoritarian regimes in Egypt. Democracy must come to Egypt -- and it must come now! "Even if a government has a monopoly of military force and even if a government has the support of the world's one remaining superpower," Steven Zunes wrote this week on Huffington Post, "it is still ultimately powerless if the people refuse to recognize its authority." This is the truth must not be forgotten.
How the Democracy will find its root in Egypt is anyone’s guess, but the winners and losers are clearly identified in this popular uprising throughout the Arab world. The cliché that tyrants are the biggest losers and people are the winners looks like to be a case in much of the Arab world. The courage that was shown by angry Tunisian youths has now spread throughout the Arab world. Rulers who were able to govern with little resistance for years are suddenly discovering that the seats they have been clinging to are becoming unbearably hot. Even without being provoked by their own people, some Arab rulers are already announcing that they don't intend to run for office again. Heads of state who have been harboring ideas of bequeathing their power to their children are declaring such ideas void even though their children are still running the army or such important senior posts. As people power increases in scope and courage, the desert storm spreads. Just like WikiLeaks statement on its site, “courage is contagious”.
On the other hand, Western powers that have for years propped up these rulers and failed to discourage them to deny political rights to their people are among the biggest losers in the post-uprising Arab world. US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has said the Middle East is facing a "perfect storm" of unrest and nations must embrace democratic change. (John McCain called it a virus).What is remarkable is that Democracy is breaking out in Tunisia and Egypt not because of U.S. actions in the Middle East, but despite them
18 day of revolution ended 30 years of dictatorship with just 50 words announcement. Hosni Mubarak has finally left. The Egyptian protestors incredible ability to achieve their victory while remaining peaceful throughout is remarkable and reminds us of Martin Luthar King’s words. "It was the moral force of non-violence... that bent the arc of history towards justice once more." What follows it is yet to come. But to the protesters, the single objective of a Mubarak resignation drove the movement with single-minded obsession. Now the Egyptian military is in command. It played an instrumental role in the revolution by protecting the protestors on one hand and the establishment on the other. Mubarak’s ouster shows that anyone who might replace him can also be brought down if he does not fulfill the aspirations of its people. With that very clear and unmistakable message, the transition of power is much more likely to produce a successor for whom the will and well-being of the people is foremost. The U.S., a long-time supporter and trainer of Egypt's military, must make it clear to the Military that Egyptian people will not tolerate any more authoritarian regimes in Egypt. Democracy must come to Egypt -- and it must come now! "Even if a government has a monopoly of military force and even if a government has the support of the world's one remaining superpower," Steven Zunes wrote this week on Huffington Post, "it is still ultimately powerless if the people refuse to recognize its authority." This is the truth must not be forgotten.
How the Democracy will find its root in Egypt is anyone’s guess, but the winners and losers are clearly identified in this popular uprising throughout the Arab world. The cliché that tyrants are the biggest losers and people are the winners looks like to be a case in much of the Arab world. The courage that was shown by angry Tunisian youths has now spread throughout the Arab world. Rulers who were able to govern with little resistance for years are suddenly discovering that the seats they have been clinging to are becoming unbearably hot. Even without being provoked by their own people, some Arab rulers are already announcing that they don't intend to run for office again. Heads of state who have been harboring ideas of bequeathing their power to their children are declaring such ideas void even though their children are still running the army or such important senior posts. As people power increases in scope and courage, the desert storm spreads. Just like WikiLeaks statement on its site, “courage is contagious”.
On the other hand, Western powers that have for years propped up these rulers and failed to discourage them to deny political rights to their people are among the biggest losers in the post-uprising Arab world. US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has said the Middle East is facing a "perfect storm" of unrest and nations must embrace democratic change. (John McCain called it a virus).What is remarkable is that Democracy is breaking out in Tunisia and Egypt not because of U.S. actions in the Middle East, but despite them
Friday, January 28, 2011
Black is Back
Black is Back
Indians love many things about Switzerland: chocolates, watches, Bollywood movie locales and secret bank accounts. No wonder trillions of dollars are satcked away in secure vaults in the scenic Alps. A recent conservative estimate by the US-based group Global Financial Integrity Index pegs illicit capital flows between 1948, a year after Independence, and 2008, at $462bn - an amount that is twice India's external debt. India's underground economy today is estimated to account for half of the country's GDP. The issue of black money is a national shame.It is one of the biggest loot witnessed by the country, the loot of the “aam aadmi”.
Thanks to opposition and public ire over a series of corruption scandals, "black money" is back in the spotlight. The Supreme Court has been chiding the government for not doing enough to unearth illicit money. "Is there no basis to figure out black money?" the court wondered on Thursday. "What is the source of black money, which has been stashed away in foreign banks? Is it from arms dealing, drug peddling or smuggling?" Strong words indeed. But they may not be enough to uncover India's biggest and longest-running scandal. This week, Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee unveiled what critics said was a laundry list of dreary platitudes and non time-bound plans to check the "menace of black money". This includes joining a "global crusade" against it, creating appropriate legislation and institutions to deal with such funds and imparting skills to officers tasked with detecting such funds. In effect, what the government is saying is that after 63 years of independence, we have no institutions or trained people available to curb a brazen and thriving underground economy which rewards tax evaders, humiliates tax payers and widens inequity. The government also talks about a new amnesty scheme for "black money", which is really a slap in the face of the honest tax payer.
Despite the government's recent noises, "black money" will continue to blot us and our economy. For one, it is a systemic problem. Those who stash away illicit money overseas comprise the political and professional creme de la creme - politicians, bureaucrats, businessmen, doctors, lawyers, chartered accountants and judges. That the government is not keen upon cracking down on illicit capital flows was evident, when, in 2008, it refused to accept a compact disc from Germany containing names of account holders in a Liechtenstein bank. Last year, under opposition pressure, the government accepted the CD, but refused to disclose the 26 names of Indian account holders in it. By this time these intelligent and powerful people would have closed their account and transfered all funds to other places without leaving any trail.
What we need to do is build strong cases against people it suspects are guilty of tax fraud and graft. Unless there is political will to dig out black money, nothing will happen.
Indians love many things about Switzerland: chocolates, watches, Bollywood movie locales and secret bank accounts. No wonder trillions of dollars are satcked away in secure vaults in the scenic Alps. A recent conservative estimate by the US-based group Global Financial Integrity Index pegs illicit capital flows between 1948, a year after Independence, and 2008, at $462bn - an amount that is twice India's external debt. India's underground economy today is estimated to account for half of the country's GDP. The issue of black money is a national shame.It is one of the biggest loot witnessed by the country, the loot of the “aam aadmi”.
Thanks to opposition and public ire over a series of corruption scandals, "black money" is back in the spotlight. The Supreme Court has been chiding the government for not doing enough to unearth illicit money. "Is there no basis to figure out black money?" the court wondered on Thursday. "What is the source of black money, which has been stashed away in foreign banks? Is it from arms dealing, drug peddling or smuggling?" Strong words indeed. But they may not be enough to uncover India's biggest and longest-running scandal. This week, Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee unveiled what critics said was a laundry list of dreary platitudes and non time-bound plans to check the "menace of black money". This includes joining a "global crusade" against it, creating appropriate legislation and institutions to deal with such funds and imparting skills to officers tasked with detecting such funds. In effect, what the government is saying is that after 63 years of independence, we have no institutions or trained people available to curb a brazen and thriving underground economy which rewards tax evaders, humiliates tax payers and widens inequity. The government also talks about a new amnesty scheme for "black money", which is really a slap in the face of the honest tax payer.
Despite the government's recent noises, "black money" will continue to blot us and our economy. For one, it is a systemic problem. Those who stash away illicit money overseas comprise the political and professional creme de la creme - politicians, bureaucrats, businessmen, doctors, lawyers, chartered accountants and judges. That the government is not keen upon cracking down on illicit capital flows was evident, when, in 2008, it refused to accept a compact disc from Germany containing names of account holders in a Liechtenstein bank. Last year, under opposition pressure, the government accepted the CD, but refused to disclose the 26 names of Indian account holders in it. By this time these intelligent and powerful people would have closed their account and transfered all funds to other places without leaving any trail.
What we need to do is build strong cases against people it suspects are guilty of tax fraud and graft. Unless there is political will to dig out black money, nothing will happen.
Saturday, January 15, 2011
Inflation rekindled
INFLATION REKINDLED
Food inflation is a national and an international headline again. The
country was celebrating the regional harvest feativals over the
weekend with just a marginal decline in the inflation rates, but the
food supply is no more stable. India's embattled coalition government
failed to announce major policy decisions to tackle soaring food
prices after days of wrangling, taking only minor measures seen as
unlikely to make a major impact.
Rising food inflation is a global phenonmenen. It has sparked violence
across the Middle East and South Asia over the weekend, as
demonstrators protested the high cost of staple commodities like
sugar, rice and milk. Following good harvests over the last year,
nations bolstered their food stocks and all but ignored the precarious
nature of food production. This year’s weather events remind
policymakers that economies are one drought or one flood away from an
available food supply. Australia, Europe, North Africa, India and
Southeast Asian countries have all reported drastic food inflation
that illustrates how commodity prices and weather events affect food
prices. The outbursts ignited fears that the world is due for a repeat
of the 2008 food protests that rocked countries as far apart as Haiti,
Senegal and Bangladesh. Food prices are now at anall time high, and
are trending higher, indicating that this may be only the beginning of
the food riot problem. What's more, oil prices are also edging up,
reaching their highest level in two years.
The UPAgovernment is grappling with the problem of inflation. Today's
problem is onion prices.Last month, the discussion on inflation
focused on dal and meat. A while ago, it centred on sugar prices. Each
time we face high food prices, traders and speculators are blamed and
income tax raids are conducted. Sometimes exports are banned. At other
times, imports are permitted. Often, forward trading in the product is
banned. Either drought or excess rain is said to be the source of
inflation. Rising incomes leading to higher demand, and supply
bottlenecks in an unreformed agriculture, are seen to be ultimately
responsible. The solution needs a multi-pronged approach.
Over the last five or six years, as problems in food prices have
surfaced again and again, we have discussed the solutions endlessly.
However, very little has moved on the reform agenda. And when prices
increase sharply, instead of a commitment to reform, we hear
statements by the government on how it plans to clamp down on
speculators, or stop hoarding, or ban derivatives trading. Time has
come when we need to debate over agri-reform and fix supply
bottlenecks with improvements in cold storage chains; changes in the
mandi system; reform of the agricultural marketing system; research
support for high value crops; liberalisation of trade in agricultural
products; opening up the sector to organised retailing and FDI; moving
away from price support for cereals; and so forth.The Government which
has been endlessly anaylising the situation for the past few days now
needs to come up with some solid solutions.
Food inflation is a national and an international headline again. The
country was celebrating the regional harvest feativals over the
weekend with just a marginal decline in the inflation rates, but the
food supply is no more stable. India's embattled coalition government
failed to announce major policy decisions to tackle soaring food
prices after days of wrangling, taking only minor measures seen as
unlikely to make a major impact.
Rising food inflation is a global phenonmenen. It has sparked violence
across the Middle East and South Asia over the weekend, as
demonstrators protested the high cost of staple commodities like
sugar, rice and milk. Following good harvests over the last year,
nations bolstered their food stocks and all but ignored the precarious
nature of food production. This year’s weather events remind
policymakers that economies are one drought or one flood away from an
available food supply. Australia, Europe, North Africa, India and
Southeast Asian countries have all reported drastic food inflation
that illustrates how commodity prices and weather events affect food
prices. The outbursts ignited fears that the world is due for a repeat
of the 2008 food protests that rocked countries as far apart as Haiti,
Senegal and Bangladesh. Food prices are now at anall time high, and
are trending higher, indicating that this may be only the beginning of
the food riot problem. What's more, oil prices are also edging up,
reaching their highest level in two years.
The UPAgovernment is grappling with the problem of inflation. Today's
problem is onion prices.Last month, the discussion on inflation
focused on dal and meat. A while ago, it centred on sugar prices. Each
time we face high food prices, traders and speculators are blamed and
income tax raids are conducted. Sometimes exports are banned. At other
times, imports are permitted. Often, forward trading in the product is
banned. Either drought or excess rain is said to be the source of
inflation. Rising incomes leading to higher demand, and supply
bottlenecks in an unreformed agriculture, are seen to be ultimately
responsible. The solution needs a multi-pronged approach.
Over the last five or six years, as problems in food prices have
surfaced again and again, we have discussed the solutions endlessly.
However, very little has moved on the reform agenda. And when prices
increase sharply, instead of a commitment to reform, we hear
statements by the government on how it plans to clamp down on
speculators, or stop hoarding, or ban derivatives trading. Time has
come when we need to debate over agri-reform and fix supply
bottlenecks with improvements in cold storage chains; changes in the
mandi system; reform of the agricultural marketing system; research
support for high value crops; liberalisation of trade in agricultural
products; opening up the sector to organised retailing and FDI; moving
away from price support for cereals; and so forth.The Government which
has been endlessly anaylising the situation for the past few days now
needs to come up with some solid solutions.
Sunday, January 2, 2011
Unfair Verdict
Unfair verdict
I disagree with what you say and I shall defend to your death my right
to stop you from saying it.The opposite of the famous Voltaire saying
is perfectly apt in describing in the verdict on Binayek Sen. A doctor
by profession and humanitarian by instinct, Binayak Sen was held
guilty for sedition and treason for being a conduit between Maoists.
Blaming the sins of the Maoists on Sen, the life sentence imposed on
globally acclaimed human rights activist is easily the most scandalous
abuse of a colonial remnant in independent India. Clearly, India
could do without the shame of jailing a humanist for sedition while
the hate-mongers responsible for the dreadful events of 1984 (Delhi
massacre), 1992 (Ayodhya demolition) and 2002 (Gujarat riots), who
roam around as patriots.
There is a serious problem in India with the lower judiciary which
does not seem to have any idea of its crucial role as a defender of
human rights in a democracy. Especially in a democracy in which the
majority of the people are not aware of their rights and are routinely
oppressed by governmental and private oppressors. The attitude of the
bureaucracy and the politicians in this country remains both feudal
and colonial they frequently use and misuse the law to stifle dissent.
The higher judiciary shows some awareness of its crucial democratic
role and that is somewhat of a relief as it frequently intervenes to
reprimand the executive for its unjust behaviour.
The story of Binayak Sen is the story of the dangerously thin ice
India's democratic rights float on. A dangerous trend is unfolding in
India today: State versus people. Urban versus rural, unbridled
development versus human need, Industrialist versus farmers, blind law
versus natural justice. It could be the story of all of us who are
fighting against injustices of the society in shinning India. Most of
all, it is the story of what can be done to ordinary individuals when
the State dons the garb of a dictator. The time has come to demand
drastic reform of the criminal justice system to ensure that it is not
manipulated by the state to persecute, prosecute and victimize
innocent persons.
This miscarriage of justice in the Sen trial has tarnished the
reputation of the country. He has become an international symbol of
the struggle of the poor and marginalized people for their legitimate
rights. The Amnesty International considers him a prisoner of
conscience. A man who has been honoured with international awards for
his work among the poor, and on whose behalf Nobel laureates have
pleaded with the government, should not be treated in a better way.
The Chhattisgarh police and the trial judge who accepted its story
uncritically have sent out a dire warning to all those who value and
work for human rights. It is the disregard for the rights of the poor
that has triggered the Maoist revolt. It is unfortunate that this
truth is not recognized.
I disagree with what you say and I shall defend to your death my right
to stop you from saying it.The opposite of the famous Voltaire saying
is perfectly apt in describing in the verdict on Binayek Sen. A doctor
by profession and humanitarian by instinct, Binayak Sen was held
guilty for sedition and treason for being a conduit between Maoists.
Blaming the sins of the Maoists on Sen, the life sentence imposed on
globally acclaimed human rights activist is easily the most scandalous
abuse of a colonial remnant in independent India. Clearly, India
could do without the shame of jailing a humanist for sedition while
the hate-mongers responsible for the dreadful events of 1984 (Delhi
massacre), 1992 (Ayodhya demolition) and 2002 (Gujarat riots), who
roam around as patriots.
There is a serious problem in India with the lower judiciary which
does not seem to have any idea of its crucial role as a defender of
human rights in a democracy. Especially in a democracy in which the
majority of the people are not aware of their rights and are routinely
oppressed by governmental and private oppressors. The attitude of the
bureaucracy and the politicians in this country remains both feudal
and colonial they frequently use and misuse the law to stifle dissent.
The higher judiciary shows some awareness of its crucial democratic
role and that is somewhat of a relief as it frequently intervenes to
reprimand the executive for its unjust behaviour.
The story of Binayak Sen is the story of the dangerously thin ice
India's democratic rights float on. A dangerous trend is unfolding in
India today: State versus people. Urban versus rural, unbridled
development versus human need, Industrialist versus farmers, blind law
versus natural justice. It could be the story of all of us who are
fighting against injustices of the society in shinning India. Most of
all, it is the story of what can be done to ordinary individuals when
the State dons the garb of a dictator. The time has come to demand
drastic reform of the criminal justice system to ensure that it is not
manipulated by the state to persecute, prosecute and victimize
innocent persons.
This miscarriage of justice in the Sen trial has tarnished the
reputation of the country. He has become an international symbol of
the struggle of the poor and marginalized people for their legitimate
rights. The Amnesty International considers him a prisoner of
conscience. A man who has been honoured with international awards for
his work among the poor, and on whose behalf Nobel laureates have
pleaded with the government, should not be treated in a better way.
The Chhattisgarh police and the trial judge who accepted its story
uncritically have sent out a dire warning to all those who value and
work for human rights. It is the disregard for the rights of the poor
that has triggered the Maoist revolt. It is unfortunate that this
truth is not recognized.
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