ELUSIVE JUSTICE
The Gujarat communal riots of 2002, in which nearly 1500 innocent Muslims were killed by mobs across the state, has been the subject of many reports and analyses over the last 10 years. The continuous denial of justice to minorities and negligible healing measures for survivors had prompted the Supreme Court to portray Gujarat Chief minister Narendra Modi as modern ‘Nero’. “The 2002 violence against Muslims in Gujarat persists as a dark blot on India’s reputation for religious equality,” said Meenakshi Ganguly, South Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Instead of prosecuting senior state and police officials implicated in the atrocities, the Gujarat authorities have engaged in denial and obstruction of justice.”
The riots have been scrutinised continuously for the past decade by the media, courts, NGOs and the common man. This apocalyptic event have kept NGOs on their toes to undertake various activities either as an academic exercise or as a genuine attempt to understand what caused the whole tragedy. A Large number of them have come up with the answers that suggest that riots were the result of deliberate acts of omission and commission by politicians, bureaucrats and policemen. The anti-Muslim upsurge was not so much the result of failure of governance as of the wish of state's politicians to reap rich political harvest from the riots.
The tone, tenor and thrust of Modi's response to the riots have been highly questionable. Till date he refuses to apologise for the incident which has cost him an international ire and suspended US visa, but earned him local fame. He managed to install himself as the metaphor for Gujrat & Gujrati pride among the hard working and highly entrepreneurial community. He has asserted himself in the public sphere in a paradoxical manner. Not only has he personalised politics in Gujarat but he also projected himself as the spokesman of all Gujaratis. The obvious aim of this strategy was to get electoral dividends through mobilization of Hindus on communal lines which seems to have worked for him. The most striking aspect of this Modi’s “success story” lies in the marginalisation of freedom. The supporters of Modi admitted it candidly the last time they voted for him in 2007. A CSDS survey of early November 2007 showed that 34 per cent of the interviewees (and among them 37 per cent of BJP voters) considered that Modi’s style was “dictatorial”. This tells us something about the state of democracy in Gujarat, a place where the consensus of Beijing (that Modi visited recently) applies more than anywhere else in India: economic growth prevails above liberty.
But their lies a glimmer of hope. Unlike any other violent episode in India's recent history, Gujarat 2002 tested the strength and resilience of many of our democratic institutions to the fullest. The National Human Rights Commission, Supreme Court, and the National Commission for Minorities. Each came forward and acted. There were many laudable instances of police officers enforcing the law very much against the wishes of their political masters. Some of them now suspended still carry on the battle against Modi. Modi’s popular stand of development does not stand ground where many riot victims are still marganilised and ghettoed in fear. Social equality and justice evades them. The state has not given Muslim victims and their kin the compensation to which they were entitled to. The central help & scholarship for minorities has been stalled by the state government. Justice still eludes the victims of Gujarat. And without justice, we cannot move on and no amount of development or ‘sadhbhavna’ will add the much needed shine required to paint the tainted leader of Gujrat in order to occupy the center stage.
Friday, March 9, 2012
Sunday, February 19, 2012
Democracies in Peril
Double Trouble in the neighbourhood.
The burning Political crisis in the two neighboring states of Maldives and Pakistan has created an unstable situation in the region. The MEA corridors are busy analyzing both the situation. It is believed that a political chaos in the Maldives, could open the way for a resurgent Islamist movement. Whereas in Pakistan, the tussle between the military, Judiciary & the Government could either bring in dictatorship or early elections.
After Gilani’s indictment by the Supreme Court of Pakistan, the country has been thrown in a highly chaotic & confusing situation. The present stand-off is a direct result of the divergence of views of the military and the civilian government on the memo issue. The Supreme Court appears to have thrown its weight behind the military. It wants corruption cases against hundreds of politicians, including the president, reopened. Despite the history of coups, another one is unlikely at the moment, as the military this time prefers to let the Supreme Court use "constitutional" methods to go after the government. The government's choices appear clear. If it allows itself to be booted out and its leaders thrown in jail, it will wash off the stigma of bad governance, corruption and economic mismanagement for which it has been criticised throughout its tenure. But if it survives the crisis, it will emerge as the first ever civilian government to have established the supremacy of parliament over other state institutions. This ominous turf war between the top state institutions is taking place at a time when numerous opposition groups are shuffling to gain a foothold in the run-up to general elections, due in early 2013 but likely to be held earlier. Among them is the cricketing legend Imran Khan and the former dictator Pervez Musharraf. With all this happening, Pakistan appears to be heading into a period of massive confusion which many believe could translate it either into a stronger parliamentary democracy or a total collapse of the system.
New Delhi has continuously turned a blind eye to a developing tsunami in the Maldives, the nation of islands. Ever since September 2007, when a bomb targeting Chinese, Japanese and British tourists went off in Malé's Sultan Park, security experts have feared a paradise for jihadists instead of tourists. Its 1,200-plus islands are near-impossible to police, which means terrorists could use them as bases to target India's western seaboard and even Europe. Hence within a day of Nasheed’s resignation, Indian Prime minister spoke to the new President Waheed and assured him of India's cooperation in all matters. As delegations from the U.S., the Commonwealth and the European Union set up camp in Male to figure a way out of the crisis, the world is looking towards India to lead. Will India grasp the immensely fragile moment at hand and ensure that peace and stability returns to the Maldives and that fresh elections are held, sooner than later? By doing so , it will be setting an example to the regime not only in Male and elsewhere in South Asia which is littered with authoritarian rulers.
The burning Political crisis in the two neighboring states of Maldives and Pakistan has created an unstable situation in the region. The MEA corridors are busy analyzing both the situation. It is believed that a political chaos in the Maldives, could open the way for a resurgent Islamist movement. Whereas in Pakistan, the tussle between the military, Judiciary & the Government could either bring in dictatorship or early elections.
After Gilani’s indictment by the Supreme Court of Pakistan, the country has been thrown in a highly chaotic & confusing situation. The present stand-off is a direct result of the divergence of views of the military and the civilian government on the memo issue. The Supreme Court appears to have thrown its weight behind the military. It wants corruption cases against hundreds of politicians, including the president, reopened. Despite the history of coups, another one is unlikely at the moment, as the military this time prefers to let the Supreme Court use "constitutional" methods to go after the government. The government's choices appear clear. If it allows itself to be booted out and its leaders thrown in jail, it will wash off the stigma of bad governance, corruption and economic mismanagement for which it has been criticised throughout its tenure. But if it survives the crisis, it will emerge as the first ever civilian government to have established the supremacy of parliament over other state institutions. This ominous turf war between the top state institutions is taking place at a time when numerous opposition groups are shuffling to gain a foothold in the run-up to general elections, due in early 2013 but likely to be held earlier. Among them is the cricketing legend Imran Khan and the former dictator Pervez Musharraf. With all this happening, Pakistan appears to be heading into a period of massive confusion which many believe could translate it either into a stronger parliamentary democracy or a total collapse of the system.
New Delhi has continuously turned a blind eye to a developing tsunami in the Maldives, the nation of islands. Ever since September 2007, when a bomb targeting Chinese, Japanese and British tourists went off in Malé's Sultan Park, security experts have feared a paradise for jihadists instead of tourists. Its 1,200-plus islands are near-impossible to police, which means terrorists could use them as bases to target India's western seaboard and even Europe. Hence within a day of Nasheed’s resignation, Indian Prime minister spoke to the new President Waheed and assured him of India's cooperation in all matters. As delegations from the U.S., the Commonwealth and the European Union set up camp in Male to figure a way out of the crisis, the world is looking towards India to lead. Will India grasp the immensely fragile moment at hand and ensure that peace and stability returns to the Maldives and that fresh elections are held, sooner than later? By doing so , it will be setting an example to the regime not only in Male and elsewhere in South Asia which is littered with authoritarian rulers.
Monday, January 30, 2012
Whats in a date?
WHAT'S IN A DATE
The final Say in the Age Row of General V K Singh would be decided by the Supreme Court on 3rd February. Last week the Indian Army was dominating the media discussions not because of the republic day but due to the age row of the General V K Singh of the Indian army. Our neighboring Army was not far behind and was trending the media chatter albeit for a completely different reason. An interesting SMS doing the round summed up the whole scenario in a light hearted but truthful manner. It said that “In Pakistan, the Army chief decides the government's age. In India, the government decides the Army chief's age!''
This Light hearted Joke aptly sums up the civil military interplay on either side of the border. In Pakistan, the generals rule the roost, and have screwed up elected government throughout its independent history. But, the apolitical, secular and uncontroversial Indian generals have always remained much disciplined under the grip of the neta-babu combine. Some charismatic army chief like Sam Maneckshaw or K Sundarji managed to get some wiggle room and had their way once in a while.The armed forces have always felt slighted by the civilian bureaucracy, resenting as they do the "interference'' in their Service matters as well as operational tasks in the name of "civilian control''.Hence the Indian military chiefs hardly ever, "rocked the boat''. So, when Army chief general Vijay Kumar Singh took his prolonged age battle with the government to the Supreme Court, it was bound to unleash a tsunami across the sprawling South Block and beyond. Gen. Singh may claim it's a "personal'' battle to "protect'' his "honour and integrity'' but the repercussions for the politico-bureaucratic versus military equation are huge. This episode may change the equation forever.
There are a many documents , including a birth certificate and a school-leaving certificate, that prove beyond the shadow of a doubt that General Singh, whose father as well as grandfather were Army officers, was born on May 10, 1951. Due to clerical errors there is a mismatch in the date kept in the records of two branch of the army. General Singh has been at pains to explain for years getting this corrected. A highly decorated officer like General Singh, who is recognised as a brilliant strategist and tough on corruption, would never lie about his date of birth. Any misgivings portraying him as a power and privilege hungry officer must be rejected with contempt. Instead of fighting the case in the Apex court the Government should immediately come with a constructive solution and restore General Singh’s Honour
The final Say in the Age Row of General V K Singh would be decided by the Supreme Court on 3rd February. Last week the Indian Army was dominating the media discussions not because of the republic day but due to the age row of the General V K Singh of the Indian army. Our neighboring Army was not far behind and was trending the media chatter albeit for a completely different reason. An interesting SMS doing the round summed up the whole scenario in a light hearted but truthful manner. It said that “In Pakistan, the Army chief decides the government's age. In India, the government decides the Army chief's age!''
This Light hearted Joke aptly sums up the civil military interplay on either side of the border. In Pakistan, the generals rule the roost, and have screwed up elected government throughout its independent history. But, the apolitical, secular and uncontroversial Indian generals have always remained much disciplined under the grip of the neta-babu combine. Some charismatic army chief like Sam Maneckshaw or K Sundarji managed to get some wiggle room and had their way once in a while.The armed forces have always felt slighted by the civilian bureaucracy, resenting as they do the "interference'' in their Service matters as well as operational tasks in the name of "civilian control''.Hence the Indian military chiefs hardly ever, "rocked the boat''. So, when Army chief general Vijay Kumar Singh took his prolonged age battle with the government to the Supreme Court, it was bound to unleash a tsunami across the sprawling South Block and beyond. Gen. Singh may claim it's a "personal'' battle to "protect'' his "honour and integrity'' but the repercussions for the politico-bureaucratic versus military equation are huge. This episode may change the equation forever.
There are a many documents , including a birth certificate and a school-leaving certificate, that prove beyond the shadow of a doubt that General Singh, whose father as well as grandfather were Army officers, was born on May 10, 1951. Due to clerical errors there is a mismatch in the date kept in the records of two branch of the army. General Singh has been at pains to explain for years getting this corrected. A highly decorated officer like General Singh, who is recognised as a brilliant strategist and tough on corruption, would never lie about his date of birth. Any misgivings portraying him as a power and privilege hungry officer must be rejected with contempt. Instead of fighting the case in the Apex court the Government should immediately come with a constructive solution and restore General Singh’s Honour
Tuesday, January 10, 2012
The Year Of Protest 2011
The Year of Protest- 2011
At the risk of writing history too early, 2011 may well be remembered as a year in which demands for honesty in public life popped up around the world like desert flowers after a rain.
2011 can easily be called the year of protest. The world saw many uprising and changes. The political landscape around the world has shifted and people across the globe are taking a stand, being influential in their nation's affairs, in all aspects and even overpowering dictatorship empires. The world has never seen revolution and protesting on a scale as high as it has in 2011.
We saw folks from all walks of life demonstrating and marching and occupying, all to challenge the broken governments that have ignored or oppressed them. This year, protesters, against seemingly impossible odds, managed to speak truth to power and, at times, got that power to listen. Whether it is Tahrir Square in downtown Cairo or Zuccotti Park in New York, the defining images of 2011 will be those of thousands of ordinary folks gathering to make their voices heard. From Athens to Madrid, from New Delhi to Moscow, people have been on the march and protests became the expression of choice against injustices, real or perceived.
Granted, causes haven`t been the same everywhere. The Arab world has seen an explosion of protests against autocratic rule. Breathtakingly, leaders in four major Arab nations were toppled this year – Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen. Movements to curb official corruption also shot up in Brazil, Russia, India and China – the BRIC countries. Occupation as a form of protest has become increasingly popular. Starting from the Occupy Wall street protest it spread to many towns and countries against inequality. These marches and occupations are clashes between individual freedoms and centralised control, either in the form of the military or perceived inhuman capitalism.
Protests in western democracies, by contrast, have not been so much about the absence of civil and political rights but rather than against economic mismanagement and deteriorating material conditions. India, too, presents different political conditions from the Arab world. In India, civil society protests have focused not so much on the absence of democracy but rather on the limited choice made available by political parties within the democratic space. With scam after scam unearthed this year, most parties, regardless of ideological inclination, looked indulgent on corrupt practices when it suited them. Matters are made worse by the fundamentally statist terms of economic policymaking, with no party offering any real alternative. The result is that the political class as a whole looks clueless in tackling the economic distress that the average Indian - squeezed between slowing growth and rising inflation - had to contend with this year.
The lack of political choice and frequent disruptions, few substantive debates taking place in Parliament - reinforces the notion that all parties, rather than coming to grips with the problems of 21st century governance, merely offer variations around a sub-theme in identity politics. Civil society protests against this political order have a radical and amorphous quality, as represented by the Anna Hazare-led anti-corruption movement. Running through it all is policy paralysis, a leadership deficit, and geriatric leadership, which remains out of touch with the needs of an emerging, aspirational, predominantly young India. As long as this fundamental disconnect continues, protests are unlikely to subside.
It’s been quite a year, a messy and confusing year, a year of a lot of false starts and inspiring firsts, lingering injustices but also bursts of heroism and beauty. I don't know what the future holds, but you can't say that we are in the same place at the end of 2011 as we were at its start. So it strikes me that another slogan from the light projection is a fitting epitaph for the year that was: “This is the Beginning of the Beginning.” .
At the risk of writing history too early, 2011 may well be remembered as a year in which demands for honesty in public life popped up around the world like desert flowers after a rain.
2011 can easily be called the year of protest. The world saw many uprising and changes. The political landscape around the world has shifted and people across the globe are taking a stand, being influential in their nation's affairs, in all aspects and even overpowering dictatorship empires. The world has never seen revolution and protesting on a scale as high as it has in 2011.
We saw folks from all walks of life demonstrating and marching and occupying, all to challenge the broken governments that have ignored or oppressed them. This year, protesters, against seemingly impossible odds, managed to speak truth to power and, at times, got that power to listen. Whether it is Tahrir Square in downtown Cairo or Zuccotti Park in New York, the defining images of 2011 will be those of thousands of ordinary folks gathering to make their voices heard. From Athens to Madrid, from New Delhi to Moscow, people have been on the march and protests became the expression of choice against injustices, real or perceived.
Granted, causes haven`t been the same everywhere. The Arab world has seen an explosion of protests against autocratic rule. Breathtakingly, leaders in four major Arab nations were toppled this year – Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen. Movements to curb official corruption also shot up in Brazil, Russia, India and China – the BRIC countries. Occupation as a form of protest has become increasingly popular. Starting from the Occupy Wall street protest it spread to many towns and countries against inequality. These marches and occupations are clashes between individual freedoms and centralised control, either in the form of the military or perceived inhuman capitalism.
Protests in western democracies, by contrast, have not been so much about the absence of civil and political rights but rather than against economic mismanagement and deteriorating material conditions. India, too, presents different political conditions from the Arab world. In India, civil society protests have focused not so much on the absence of democracy but rather on the limited choice made available by political parties within the democratic space. With scam after scam unearthed this year, most parties, regardless of ideological inclination, looked indulgent on corrupt practices when it suited them. Matters are made worse by the fundamentally statist terms of economic policymaking, with no party offering any real alternative. The result is that the political class as a whole looks clueless in tackling the economic distress that the average Indian - squeezed between slowing growth and rising inflation - had to contend with this year.
The lack of political choice and frequent disruptions, few substantive debates taking place in Parliament - reinforces the notion that all parties, rather than coming to grips with the problems of 21st century governance, merely offer variations around a sub-theme in identity politics. Civil society protests against this political order have a radical and amorphous quality, as represented by the Anna Hazare-led anti-corruption movement. Running through it all is policy paralysis, a leadership deficit, and geriatric leadership, which remains out of touch with the needs of an emerging, aspirational, predominantly young India. As long as this fundamental disconnect continues, protests are unlikely to subside.
It’s been quite a year, a messy and confusing year, a year of a lot of false starts and inspiring firsts, lingering injustices but also bursts of heroism and beauty. I don't know what the future holds, but you can't say that we are in the same place at the end of 2011 as we were at its start. So it strikes me that another slogan from the light projection is a fitting epitaph for the year that was: “This is the Beginning of the Beginning.” .
Wednesday, November 2, 2011
Reducing army's footprint
Reducing Army’s Footprint
It’s draconian, it’s deadly and it’s detested. The Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) imposed in the regions of Jammu & Kashmir and the North-East is highly unpopular with the civil society, Human rights group and the people of these states. It vests with the security forces unrestricted and unaccounted power. There are allegations that the Act has been grossly misused in the areas of its operation. Disturbed Areas Act as well as the Armed Forces (Jammu & Kashmir) Special Powers Act, both of which have been applied to the state since 1990, when militants from Pakistan crossed the Line of Control and instigated an insurgency that was to claim thousands of lives over the next couple of decades. Civilians have come to dread both pieces of legislation because they empower security forces to arrest without warrant, enter and search premises in order to make such arrests, fire or use force against those assembling in numbers larger than five, while officials cannot be sued or prosecuted because they are provided with legal immunity. A Report by the government appointed team of three interlocutors and data provided by the Union government published on Thursday supports the call given by the J&K Chief Minister Omar Abdullah to remove it partially from districts of Srinagar, Badgam, Samba and Jammu.
The analysis of central government recently published data shows that insurgency hit state is safer than many of its peaceful counterparts like Haryana. In population-adjusted terms, violent deaths in J&K — those of terrorists and security force personnel, as well as murders of civilians, whether terrorism-related or otherwise — were at the same level as in Bihar, and not significantly higher than in Delhi. Violence due to militancy & terrorist activity has seen a steady decline since 2001-2002. In 2004, 707 civilians, 976 terrorists and 281 police and military personnel were killed. In 2009, the numbers plummeted to 64 security personnel, 78 civilians and 239 terrorists.
Even though Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has backed the idea, New Delhi has proved unwilling to act, due to bitter resistance by the Indian Army, BJP & Congress itself. The Union government is in a fix since defence and the home ministries are pulling in different directions. The State government contends that the decline in violence, as well as enhancements in police strength, means a number of these troops could be withdrawn and, as they leave, the Act lifted. The Army acknowledges the decline in violence, but argues that there is a continued threat from across the Line of Control, which necessitates the Act remaining in place. Many argue that the AFSPA-free enclaves will be safe havens for terrorists and militants. This makes little sense, since the Army is not present in these enclaves anyway and has no security responsibilities. These areas are largely managed by the local police assisted by CRPF. Chief Minister Abdullah's proposal leads to some risks. Yet not taking those risks involves heavy costs — key among them, creating a reservoir of frustration and anger that will undermine the hard-won peace that so many Indian soldiers gave their lives for. Looking at the stability which the north-eastern states have already achieved with the help of local police, the time has come when a well trained & equipped J&K police should be given the responsibility to manage peace and security of their own region. It`s time to think beyond AFSPA now and give its withdrawal a chance.
It’s draconian, it’s deadly and it’s detested. The Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) imposed in the regions of Jammu & Kashmir and the North-East is highly unpopular with the civil society, Human rights group and the people of these states. It vests with the security forces unrestricted and unaccounted power. There are allegations that the Act has been grossly misused in the areas of its operation. Disturbed Areas Act as well as the Armed Forces (Jammu & Kashmir) Special Powers Act, both of which have been applied to the state since 1990, when militants from Pakistan crossed the Line of Control and instigated an insurgency that was to claim thousands of lives over the next couple of decades. Civilians have come to dread both pieces of legislation because they empower security forces to arrest without warrant, enter and search premises in order to make such arrests, fire or use force against those assembling in numbers larger than five, while officials cannot be sued or prosecuted because they are provided with legal immunity. A Report by the government appointed team of three interlocutors and data provided by the Union government published on Thursday supports the call given by the J&K Chief Minister Omar Abdullah to remove it partially from districts of Srinagar, Badgam, Samba and Jammu.
The analysis of central government recently published data shows that insurgency hit state is safer than many of its peaceful counterparts like Haryana. In population-adjusted terms, violent deaths in J&K — those of terrorists and security force personnel, as well as murders of civilians, whether terrorism-related or otherwise — were at the same level as in Bihar, and not significantly higher than in Delhi. Violence due to militancy & terrorist activity has seen a steady decline since 2001-2002. In 2004, 707 civilians, 976 terrorists and 281 police and military personnel were killed. In 2009, the numbers plummeted to 64 security personnel, 78 civilians and 239 terrorists.
Even though Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has backed the idea, New Delhi has proved unwilling to act, due to bitter resistance by the Indian Army, BJP & Congress itself. The Union government is in a fix since defence and the home ministries are pulling in different directions. The State government contends that the decline in violence, as well as enhancements in police strength, means a number of these troops could be withdrawn and, as they leave, the Act lifted. The Army acknowledges the decline in violence, but argues that there is a continued threat from across the Line of Control, which necessitates the Act remaining in place. Many argue that the AFSPA-free enclaves will be safe havens for terrorists and militants. This makes little sense, since the Army is not present in these enclaves anyway and has no security responsibilities. These areas are largely managed by the local police assisted by CRPF. Chief Minister Abdullah's proposal leads to some risks. Yet not taking those risks involves heavy costs — key among them, creating a reservoir of frustration and anger that will undermine the hard-won peace that so many Indian soldiers gave their lives for. Looking at the stability which the north-eastern states have already achieved with the help of local police, the time has come when a well trained & equipped J&K police should be given the responsibility to manage peace and security of their own region. It`s time to think beyond AFSPA now and give its withdrawal a chance.
Reducing army's footprint
Reducing Army’s Footprint
It’s draconian, it’s deadly and it’s detested. The Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) imposed in the regions of Jammu & Kashmir and the North-East is highly unpopular with the civil society, Human rights group and the people of these states. It vests with the security forces unrestricted and unaccounted power. There are allegations that the Act has been grossly misused in the areas of its operation. Disturbed Areas Act as well as the Armed Forces (Jammu & Kashmir) Special Powers Act, both of which have been applied to the state since 1990, when militants from Pakistan crossed the Line of Control and instigated an insurgency that was to claim thousands of lives over the next couple of decades. Civilians have come to dread both pieces of legislation because they empower security forces to arrest without warrant, enter and search premises in order to make such arrests, fire or use force against those assembling in numbers larger than five, while officials cannot be sued or prosecuted because they are provided with legal immunity. A Report by the government appointed team of three interlocutors and data provided by the Union government published on Thursday supports the call given by the J&K Chief Minister Omar Abdullah to remove it partially from districts of Srinagar, Badgam, Samba and Jammu.
The analysis of central government recently published data shows that insurgency hit state is safer than many of its peaceful counterparts like Haryana. In population-adjusted terms, violent deaths in J&K — those of terrorists and security force personnel, as well as murders of civilians, whether terrorism-related or otherwise — were at the same level as in Bihar, and not significantly higher than in Delhi. Violence due to militancy & terrorist activity has seen a steady decline since 2001-2002. In 2004, 707 civilians, 976 terrorists and 281 police and military personnel were killed. In 2009, the numbers plummeted to 64 security personnel, 78 civilians and 239 terrorists.
Even though Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has backed the idea, New Delhi has proved unwilling to act, due to bitter resistance by the Indian Army, BJP & Congress itself. The Union government is in a fix since defence and the home ministries are pulling in different directions. The State government contends that the decline in violence, as well as enhancements in police strength, means a number of these troops could be withdrawn and, as they leave, the Act lifted. The Army acknowledges the decline in violence, but argues that there is a continued threat from across the Line of Control, which necessitates the Act remaining in place. Many argue that the AFSPA-free enclaves will be safe havens for terrorists and militants. This makes little sense, since the Army is not present in these enclaves anyway and has no security responsibilities. These areas are largely managed by the local police assisted by CRPF. Chief Minister Abdullah's proposal leads to some risks. Yet not taking those risks involves heavy costs — key among them, creating a reservoir of frustration and anger that will undermine the hard-won peace that so many Indian soldiers gave their lives for. Looking at the stability which the north-eastern states have already achieved with the help of local police, the time has come when a well trained & equipped J&K police should be given the responsibility to manage peace and security of their own region. It`s time to think beyond AFSPA now and give its withdrawal a chance.
It’s draconian, it’s deadly and it’s detested. The Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) imposed in the regions of Jammu & Kashmir and the North-East is highly unpopular with the civil society, Human rights group and the people of these states. It vests with the security forces unrestricted and unaccounted power. There are allegations that the Act has been grossly misused in the areas of its operation. Disturbed Areas Act as well as the Armed Forces (Jammu & Kashmir) Special Powers Act, both of which have been applied to the state since 1990, when militants from Pakistan crossed the Line of Control and instigated an insurgency that was to claim thousands of lives over the next couple of decades. Civilians have come to dread both pieces of legislation because they empower security forces to arrest without warrant, enter and search premises in order to make such arrests, fire or use force against those assembling in numbers larger than five, while officials cannot be sued or prosecuted because they are provided with legal immunity. A Report by the government appointed team of three interlocutors and data provided by the Union government published on Thursday supports the call given by the J&K Chief Minister Omar Abdullah to remove it partially from districts of Srinagar, Badgam, Samba and Jammu.
The analysis of central government recently published data shows that insurgency hit state is safer than many of its peaceful counterparts like Haryana. In population-adjusted terms, violent deaths in J&K — those of terrorists and security force personnel, as well as murders of civilians, whether terrorism-related or otherwise — were at the same level as in Bihar, and not significantly higher than in Delhi. Violence due to militancy & terrorist activity has seen a steady decline since 2001-2002. In 2004, 707 civilians, 976 terrorists and 281 police and military personnel were killed. In 2009, the numbers plummeted to 64 security personnel, 78 civilians and 239 terrorists.
Even though Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has backed the idea, New Delhi has proved unwilling to act, due to bitter resistance by the Indian Army, BJP & Congress itself. The Union government is in a fix since defence and the home ministries are pulling in different directions. The State government contends that the decline in violence, as well as enhancements in police strength, means a number of these troops could be withdrawn and, as they leave, the Act lifted. The Army acknowledges the decline in violence, but argues that there is a continued threat from across the Line of Control, which necessitates the Act remaining in place. Many argue that the AFSPA-free enclaves will be safe havens for terrorists and militants. This makes little sense, since the Army is not present in these enclaves anyway and has no security responsibilities. These areas are largely managed by the local police assisted by CRPF. Chief Minister Abdullah's proposal leads to some risks. Yet not taking those risks involves heavy costs — key among them, creating a reservoir of frustration and anger that will undermine the hard-won peace that so many Indian soldiers gave their lives for. Looking at the stability which the north-eastern states have already achieved with the help of local police, the time has come when a well trained & equipped J&K police should be given the responsibility to manage peace and security of their own region. It`s time to think beyond AFSPA now and give its withdrawal a chance.
Friday, September 2, 2011
THE RISE OF THE MIDDLE CLASS
Anna Hazare’s Movement has gathered an unprecedented support from the oft lazy Middle class Indians. Their unrelented support throughout his fast has stirred many sociologists. Whether one agrees or not with the substance of Hazare’s Lokpal bill, we are undoubtedly witnessing a remarkable social movement. What is surprising that Why has India’s urban middle class become the social base of Hazare’s movement? And why has this class chosen the route of movement led by civil society, as opposed to electoral politics led by political parties?
India now has one third urban population, according to the 2011 census. This growing is financially powerful and carries disdain for the politicians. Politics, for it, is not about democracy and constitutionalism. It is about delivering governance – even if it means electing CEOs to run cities rather than mayors and politicos. Corruption and bribery are obstacles to its progress. This is why it is backing the Jan Lokpal Bill. It may not know anything about the Bill’s specifics, or the Draconian nature of the Hazare version of it. But it will back the Bill just because it promises to put the fear of Lokpal into netas and babus. This new middle class is reared in private sector post 1991. It encounters the state only when it buys property, applies for a driving license, birth or death certificate, pays income tax, wants a passport, drives a vehicle or has an accident. These arenas of public life are highly corrupt.
Anger, frustration and helplessness has for the first time driven the middle class to come to streets and protest against corruption and assert its citizenship right to get a cleaner Government. The ironic part is that it is fighting for a bill which will reduce corruption at higher level but won’t bring in much change at their level. Routine corruption is more likely to go down if the middle class re-engaging itself in politics. Indian democracy is rural centric. Village panchayats receive more attention than municipal governance. Decisions about the city are made not by elected municipalities, but by state and central governments, who are more concerned with the rural vote. The situation has now changed. India is more urban and more affluent than before. The urban middle class should use the new political movement to return to electoral politics and start fighting for electoral reforms and push criminals of out Parliaments. They must take up issues which directly affects them. Like Police, economic, political & educational reforms. I would not debate about the merits & demerits of the Janlokpal Bill, but one thing is certain; reliance on civil society alone will not fix India’s governance problems, urban or rural. An anti-corruption Lokpal can only be part of a larger political process; It will not be a magic wand. . If the middle class wants cleaner and better governance, it needs to step into the arena of politics and change the system by engaging themselves into it.
This movement has achieved one advantage. It has shaken the politicians out of their slumber. It has sent a huge message across the Parliament that the time has come when the elected representative start behaving responsibly, else matters will now be decided in Ramlila maidan.
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